• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.10
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• pp.137-150
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• 2009

Performance costumes are an important element in the stages which set the tones and embody characters in the performances. This study focuses on Gisaeng's costumes in folk dance performances when Korea experienced modernization from Joseon Dynasty, and aims to examine the features of the costumes as well as how the costumes both influenced, and got influenced by, the rapidly changing society. Gisaeng had been legal entertainment performers of the government in the Joseon Dynasty and, despite careful training and talents, had inferior social status in Joseon's social hierarchy system. In the modern society, a new system of Gisaeng emerged and the first public theater opened. The advent of theaters changed performance stages and the ways performances are conducted. This study investigated Gisaeng's performance costumes by the type of folk dances, such as monk dance, palace dance, Salfuri dance, Jangu dance, and Ip dance. The study brings light to three conclusions. First, as folk dances which had been performed by civil dancers were spread to Gisaeng, Gisaeng's costumes absorbed the costumes of civil dancers. Also, royal costumes appeared in folk dance performances. This can be viewed as mixture of royal and folk dance costumes, resulted from interactions between Gisaeng and civil art performers associated with the modernizing society and the weakening of the old hierarchical class system. Second, as performing arts on stages were modernizing, performance costumes changed accordingly. Thirdly, Giseang's costumes in folk dances also adapted the introduction of the western culture, which largely influenced the fashion trends of people in the early modern society in Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.833-841
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• 2021

This study was an entertainer who was in charge of female music in the Joseon Dynasty, but the existence of gisaengs, who were recognized as'sexual partners' of the four grandfathers, and the Joseon Dynasty, when their existence was possible. I tried to reveal the social characteristics of Therefore, the research is meaningful in that it attempted to reveal the relationship between the grandfather and the gisaeng from various perspectives, and that it is possible to confirm the various social roles of the gisaeng. In the Confucian society, female musicians were not allowed to participate in Naeyeon and Chinjamrye, where women were the main pillars, so not only could the girl's music survive until the end of the Joseon Dynasty, but it was enough to reveal the existence of a professional artist. The existence of gisaengs is not irrelevant to the social background of the Joseon Dynasty, and therefore, it is impossible to define the Joseon Dynasty with the holy morality of modern society. It is believed that 『catching green onions is expected to enhance the aspect of a gisaeng as a celebrity, based on the interpretation that it is viewed from the perspective of an entertainer possessing an extraordinary and noble spirit rather than portraying the gisaeng in an erotic standard.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.6
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• pp.15-37
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• 2011

This study is on dancing dresses of the costumes of Gum-Mu(劍舞, sword dance) in southern, central, and northern region of Korea, focusing on the origin, characteristics and the way of dance. The reason why the Gum-Mu is full of local color is that royal Korean Gisaeng(妓生) and local Gisaeng returned to their hometown and propagated this dance to each regional Kyobang. They combined court sword with each local dance and music and formed the present style of regional Gum-Mu. Dance and music native to area, which has formed today's regional Gum-Mu. The composition of current dancing costume of the sword dance is Jeogori, Chima, Jeondae(戰帶), Jeonrib(戰笠), Kwaeja(快子) Also, The complement colors harmonizing with color of Yin-Yang & Five Elements. which are yellow, blue, white, red, and black, are usually used. And the masculinity in dance were expressed withmore use of blue, and red in the opposite but if a sword dance takes on masculine character, blue color is more used, if feminie character, reddish colors, such as pink and red, are used. Thus, JinJu, Honam, Haeju, Pyeongyang dancing Suit of Gum-Mu feature blue color, Tongyeong, Kyeonggi, Court(seoul)dancing Suit of Gum-Mu feature reddish color.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.7-50
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• 2016

In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.7
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• pp.151-163
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• 2008

This study was undertaken to design Ginyeo's character and costume in the early-middle Goryeo Dynasty which had a few relics, and to make practical cultural contents. The famous Goryeo Ginyeos who had real names are costume characters. Goryeo women dressed in delicate white ramie jarket in "Goryeo-dokyung", and the shape of Jacket can be two kinds: long-wide jacket enough to tie a belt, and long caftan cover the knee. Goryeo women enjoyed wide yellow skirt, but Ginyeo in "Dongguk-isanggutjip" put on pink, flower, pomegranate, red skirt for high class ladies. In the case of Mong-su(a head cloth with black gauze train), it is thought that Ginyeo fold up train like lower class or just hang down like ordinary women, because of their status. As underwear, a ramie jacket and wide underpants were set up. It is needed that many Golden bells and jade trinkets must be attached to Goryeo Ginyeo's waist to stress their characteristics. Ginyeo's hair style can be designed so that a bunch of right hair was dropped down and the rest hair was rolled on reft shoulder. To design a Ginyeo's costume chatacter of the early-middle Goryeo, the richness of wide skirt, delicacy of white ramie, a great deal of trinkets must be emphasized correctly as a characteristic of Goryeo women's costume in that period.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.297-312
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• 1994

Today though the word ginyoe(gisaeng) was remained as a historic relic but they were firmly existed about 40 years ago and ginyoe's number was about three million in Chosun it's almost near 0.5% of the total population of Chosun. To think that point the ginyoe's so-ciety was considered a special one in the his-tory of Korean woman. The ginyoe as a special social class were specialize in technical art such as dancing and prostitute. Although they were low class they were luxurious slaves whoses clothing was almost equal to that of royal family. They were the leaders of fashion in woman clothing that's because their role was entertainer, This study can be summarized as follows. First ginyoe and public woman's clothing codes were nearly same in koryo but tatally separated in chosun. I could find that was came from those day's moral sprit. Second ginyoe's clothing was not only have luxuriance like royal family but also have unique clothing codes for them. Though they are low class ginyoe could use upper class's clothing codes. But upper class women could'nt use ginyoe's clothing codes are vary various and have their own clothing codes. Third I analyzed ginyoe's clothing codes and then derived 6 ginyoe's clothing messages. They were symbol of wealth symbol of power symbol of occupational function symbol of sexual attraction symbol of social position symbol of freedom.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.239-250
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• 2019

Recently, young people wearing hanbok are highly visible in the palace and in Hanok Village. However, there is much controversy regarding whether the hanbok the young people are wearing is traditional. Young people in Korea are exposed to hanbok through a variety of ways such as school education, games, webtoons, television shows, and movies. In this study, we presented teenagers with illustrations of hanbok to see which they preferred and which if any they recognized as traditional. The study respondents most preferred the hanbok from the 18th century, but they considered the hanbok from the 20th century to be the traditional style. We next used text mining to analyze the students' freely written, open-ended responses regarding the hanbok they preferred and the one they considered traditional. The hanbok from the 18th century, the one the teenagers preferred, was a sexy, cool style related to gisaeng that emphasized the waist, whereas the hanbok they believed was traditional, the $20^{th}$-century hanbok, was simple, neat, comfortable, and plain. Among the young people's responses regarding which hanbok was traditional, the text mining extracted the following repeated words related to both the 18th- and 20th-century hanbok: "dramas," "mass media," "historical dramas," and "movies." For the 18th-century hanbok only, we extracted "webtoons" and "Hanok Village," and for only the 20th-century hanbok, we extracted "textbooks."

• The Korean Journal of Community Living Science
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.277-291
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to examine the costume worn by women in daily life according to life scenes depicted in genre paintings of the late Chosan Dynasty. The sentiments and customs of the time were examined to discover how costume culture followed women's lifestyles in the late period of the Chosun Dynasty. First, according to life scenes, a field amusement type costume was the most common garment and a commercial activity type costume was the least common garment. Second, when the form of costume was examined followed by the lifestyle it depicted, the following observations were noted. Women depicted in a housework type lifestyle often wore a Minjeogori. In contrast, women appearing in a labor production type or a commercial activity type lifestyle often wore a Banhoijangjeogori with the width of the coat narrowing gradually according to the trends of the time. In the forms of Chima, the women wore a Duluchima and a Gudlchima for convenience during their work and covered a Haengjuchima over it. Third, women shown in a field amusement type, a home enjoyment type or an affection pursuit type lifestyle mainly wore a deep blue colored Chima and Hoijang or Banhoijang Jeogori. While most of the women depicted in a labor production type, a housework type or a commercial activity type lifestyle wore a natural cotton colored Jeogori and a natural cotton colored and light indigo Chima. Fourth, in the field amusement type and the affection pursuit type lifestyle, the wearing of a headdress during outings of women appeared variously influenced by the strengthening restrictions placed on the women's lives according to the ethics of Confucianism.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.233-250
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• 2010

Jukseoru as an official pavilion of the government, one of the eight sceneries in Gwndong Area, is located on the cliff over Osipcheon River. This paper interprets form and space of the pavilion with restored old life by analyzing pictures of official party in 18th century in Chosun Dynasty. Every part of the space is occupied by persons by the class and duty: the pricipal guest, nobles, subordinates, gisaengs, court musicians, and guards from the high to the low and from the inside to the outside. Applying the analysis to the Jukseoru pavilion, the noblest lord takes sit on the platform in front of folded screen at main bay under checked ceiling, enclosed by low timber beam. The next northern end bay is a place for subordinates' and servants' waiting for preparation for rice wine. Southern end entrance bay is not a result of later addition but deliberately and originally made for lower place outside the railing of wooden floor: for a waiting woman gisaeng, and subordinates. Outside under the eaves on the platform with bedrock, artificial stone and soil is a place for court musicians, subordinates, and guards. The yard in front of the building is a place for preparing meals by cookers. Every detailed ornamental form is different each other by the place for the occupied class. Existing theory tells that the building, 7 bays gable-and-hipped roof, is a result of structural extention of 2 bays at the 5 bays gabled-roof. However, through the interpretation of old pictures and application to the pavilion, the present Juseoru is not a result of later structural addition, but deliberately designed creation suited to life in hierarchical traditional society.