• Title/Summary/Keyword: Yushin Regime

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President Park Chung-Hee's Greed for Dominance and Oppression during Yushin Regime: The National Council for Unification Subject, President's emergency rule, and Buma Uprising (유신체제시기 박정희 대통령의 집권욕과 폭압성: 통일주체국민회의·대통령긴급조치·부마항쟁)

  • Chung, Joo-Shin
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.33-84
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    • 2017
  • This study deals with President Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression during the Yushin Regime in the 1970's and consists of case studies related to anti-democracy of the National Council for Unification Subject, illegality of President's emergency rule and oppression in the process of putting down Buma Uprising. The National Council for Unification Subject was an organization for presidential selection and institutionalized by the enactment of Yushin constitution. Emergency rule was carried into effect as a means to repressing college students and forces out of office for the president's long-term seizure of power. And Buma Uprising rose against violence in resistance to the Yushin regime and president Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression. These case analyses applied the aspects of causal relationship(birth and fall of Yushin Regime), legal system(Yushin constitution and president's emergency rule) and behavior(President Park's greed for dominance and oppression) for this study. The National Council for Unification Subject institutionalized through Yushin constitution and the Yushin regime formed by emergency rule enabled President Park to cling to long-term seizure of power by means of greed for dominance and oppression. After all, his failure to keep the spirit of the time and stepping stone for democratic constitutional government triggered Buma Uprising, a kind of anti-Establishment movement, and caused the fall of the Yushin regime.

Distancing Philosophy from the Real Ruling Power, a Philosophical Belief or an Opportunist Behavior Compromising with Reality? - centered on Kim Tae-Gil - (현실 권력과의 거리두기 철학(함), 철학적 소신인가 현실 타협적 기회주의 행태인가 -김태길을 중심으로-)

  • Sunwoo, Hyun
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.129
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    • pp.111-140
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    • 2014
  • In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

The Truth about October Buma Uprising and Historical Reflection: Comparative Analysis of the Busan Uprising and Masan Uprising (10월 부마항쟁의 진실과 역사적 성찰: 10·16 부산항쟁과 10·18 마산항쟁의 비교분석)

  • Chung, Joo-Shin
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.5-44
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    • 2018
  • The Buma Uprising, which took place in Busan and Masan from 16 to 20 October 1979, was a challenge against the contradictions of the Yushin Regime. Only after 6 days from the insurrection, the 10 26 Accident transpired, in which the then president Park Chung-hee was assassinated, and the Buma Uprising, which acted as the fuse to the shooting, remained as an 'incomplete uprising'. To commensurate with the subject of the paper 'The Truth about Buma Uprising and Historical Reflection', the purpose of this study is to explore how the uprising began, unfolded, and oppressed by comparing it with Busan Uprising and Masan Uprising. It also focuses to discuss, in detail, the effect of the demonstration by college students and the general public and suppression by the forces of the police and military on President Park and his government. This year, we celebrate the 39th anniversary of Buma Uprising, and with all the issues of discovering the truth, restoration of reputation and more, there are decisions and resolves to make including amendment of the legal system. However, there are certain groups of people who act as they led the uprising and mislead and exploit the facts of the events through illegitimate records and testimony, making it impossible to determine the truth. Discovering the truth will require acquisition of objective materials, testimony of those involved in the event and field research as well as imposition of legal and social punishment on those who distorted the truth about the event.

The Path Taken by Korean Studies in the U.S. and the Path Korean Humanities Should Take - Youngju Ryu's Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea (미국 한국학이 가는 길, 한국 인문학이 나아갈 길 -유영주(Youngju Ryu), 『겨울 공화국의 작가: 박정희 시대 한국의 문학과 저항(Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea)』)

  • Chong, Ki-In
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.279-302
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    • 2019
  • This paper introduces Youngju Ryu's Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea, and examines its significance and limitations. The book examines the relationship between literature and politics during the Park Chung-hee Yushin era, focusing on Yang Sŏng-u, Kim Chi-ha, Yi Mun-gu, Cho Se-hŭi, and Hwang Sok-yong. The books starts by describing the relationship between the U.S. hegemony and the Park Chung-hee regime during the Cold War. The book shows how poets like Yang and Kim fought against the Park Chung-hee regime based on poems, trial records and memoirs, while it describes novelists such as Yi's resistance by how novels envisioned a community against the Park administration based on the keyword "neighborhood." This is significant in that it describes how literature from the Park Chung-hee era was able to stand on the front lines against the regime. However, it is regrettable that because the book adopts a heroic tale to describe their lives and literature, these are illuminated in a somewhat flat way. Also it is noteworthy that the lives and works of novelists after the 2000s were illuminated, but Yang and Kim's life and literature were not described. Furthermore, it is regrettable that women writers were not mentioned and its concept of "politics" is rather shallow. Overall, this book is very significant in that it introduces the relationship between Korean literature and politics in the Korea of the 1970s with rich data and a beautiful style, as well as allowing Korean studies researchers to reflect on the future of Korean studies.

A Study on the play of Allegory in the 1970s - Focusing on Lee Kang-baek's Early Works - (1970년대 알레고리극 희곡 연구 - 이강백의 초기 작품을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jong-Rak
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.13 no.6
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    • pp.113-122
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    • 2019
  • In the 1970s, under the tyrannical regulation and censorship of the Yushin regime, realistic dramatization techniques were forced to reveal their limitations. Choosing the 'allegory' technique, a double-meaning narrative structure, Lee Kang-baek sets up virtual spaces or unrealistic figures, both of which lack 'realism'. Lee Kang-baek has allergic the illusion of detadiscourse, the diaspora character, and the universality of 'Political Unconsciousness'. So it's linked to the perception of history in the 1960s. This creates a semantic network of public and casual perception of history. This was a 'bypass' strategy which more clearly disclose the violent politics. Therefore Lee Kang-baek's play shows the desperate situation of the diaspora character being oppressed by detadiscourse, and the desire of the author who can never give up on freedom of expression, though under that oppression. Furthermore, it was an attempt to acquire a timeless universality and symbolism about human freedom and liberation through the Allegory play technique.

6·25 Special Play Study (6·25 특집극 <최후의 증인> 연구)

  • Song, Chihyuk
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.42
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    • pp.47-75
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    • 2021
  • This thesis looks into the interpretation of the Korean War and mystery genre in Korea in the 1970s by analyzing the special drama , in which the theme was directly related to the Korean War, airing through MBC in 1979. It begins by finding the change in direction in the 1970s when the world of TV was dictated through the heavy censorship and the memory of the war by the government. It also looks at the intentions of the producer who was taking in the new way and the viewers who also accepted this drama and its reflections. In order to gain some insights into these issues, it compares between the drama "The Last Witness" and the original novel by Seong-jong Kim who holds the same time to see the way in which this is dramatized. The drama, "The Last Witness", was produced with a plan to generate a high-quality special drama which combined both artistry and sense of purpose. Nevertheless, as watching TV became a leisurely past-time during this period, TV dramas become more aggressive and suggestive in order to attract viewers. This ultimately was encored with obstacles due to the regime and the heavy censorship at the time. The genre of special drama that is well known in South Korea, is designed as an art form to satisfy both their unique artistry and its purpose. The conflict is seen between the key elements of the artistic drama crated by the producers and the 'encouraged' elements that often are needed to engage the viewers. Thus, more often than not, special dramas defeat the original intention of national harmony, encouraged by the regime. This is due to the 'novelty' aspect which grows from the effort of bringing enjoyment to viewers whilst also trying to achieve the artistic drama to life. Alongside this, crime element in this drama is designed in a way that visually embodies the process of deduction, becoming a new possibility to secure the reality of the times. However, it was also a paradoxical existence since it was indicated as an example of unrefined culture that lost its original intention. In that way, it is worth to think that detective suspense stories, which were not popular in Korea, influenced viewers as a tv drama series in the 1970s through the various elements that compose the genre. They went through a process of transplantation and acceptance whilst also attempting to satisfy the viewers and their encouraged elements to engage them. As is well known, crime drama in Korea has its own style by mixing anticommunism and detective reasoning. This combination is found in the way in which the genre naturally forms through the elements selected and excluded in the dramatization of "The Last Witness". The point is that the special drama "The Last Witness" can be seen as an intermediate form that shows the tendency of transformation from the detective reasoning form alongside the crime aspects as TV dramas began to include anticommunism messaging and investigation in the 1970s. In conclusion, when the detective reasoning is used as an element in a TV drama, it shows the trust of the public system and it constantly seeks the possibility of circumventing the political interpretation. The memories of the war is seen as a tool that neutralizes the dismal imaginations inscribed on the dark side of society and the system. As a result, "The Last Witness", broadcasted at the end of the Yushin regime in Korea, is a strange result which combines the logic of a special drama and the encouraged characteristics of television dramas. The viewers' desire which is the discussion about the hidden traces from the texts needs to be restored again.

The "Pan-National Scientification Movement" in Elementary Schools ('국민학교'로 들어온 '전(全) 국민의 과학화운동')

  • Kang, Eugene
    • Journal of Korean Elementary Science Education
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    • v.43 no.2
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    • pp.301-321
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    • 2024
  • This study aims to elucidate the historical origins of the long-term demand for the integration of "science subject classes" and "science-related events" within the context of science education for teachers. During the 1970s, science education in elementary schools faced a dual challenge marked by the tension between implementing the third curriculum, which emphasized fundamental science, and the "Pan-National Scientification Movement," which focused on technology education. The Ministry of Education was compelled to integrate the sudden demands of the Yushin regime into the ongoing third curriculum. As these demands emerged from dual policy directives, activities related to elementary science education were subsequently categorized into formal science subject classes and extracurricular science-related events. Although the movement did not directly alter the curriculum, it instigated modifications in personnel structure, activity spaces, and evaluation systems within schools. The introduction of the Pan-National Scientification Movement in elementary schools resulted in changes including the establishment of a new "science lead teacher system," the creation of a dedicated "science corner," and the implementation of a "science badge system." Although the movement was abruptly introduced, it ostensibly contributed to the advancement of the inquiry-oriented approach promoted by the third curriculum. Paradoxically, this advancement was facilitated by the integration of the consequences of the movement into schools' autonomous, extracurricular activities spearheaded by frontline education offices and schools. Although the movement represented a government-driven policy at a particular juncture in time, the manner in which science education practitioners responded to urgent governmental mandates, while preserving the integrity of the long-established third curriculum framework, involved dividing education activities into subject-specific classes and extracurricular science activities. Examining how science education practitioners in the 1970s proactively addressed these challenges offers valuable insights for the science education community in adapting to the current rapidly evolving educational landscape.