• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.77-85
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• 2014

A goal of Bizcool entrepreneurship education targeting on the youth falls on letting understand the process of starts-up, enhance entrepreneurship will and their business creativities rather than training trivial starts-up skills such as writing business plan for successful starts-up. The effects of education enable Bizcoo students to recognize rightly the concept of starts-up training and lead to spread out demand for entrepreneurship education. The feedback check-up for how entrepreneurship education affects students getting through of it is necessary and possible to bring its' improvement alternatives. Despite of such highlight, not many measuring tools and indexes of evaluating an effectiveness of entrepreneurship education are developed and studied up until. This research suggests for the optimal indexes for them. In specific, this research 49 the first question sets of evaluating an effectiveness of entrepreneurship education classified 3 large categories and 11 following sub categories each of them such as entrepreneurship orientation, creativity, entrepreneurship preparing activities etc,. representing embedding education effects though entrepreneurship education. This research carry out the empirical survey research utilizing driven question sets against 5 different Bizcools sampling 287 students. The survey research delivers the final 3 large categories and 8 following sub categories(Innovativeness, risk-taking, problem-solving potent, cooperative decision-making potent, efficient behavior capacity, data collecting potent, career search, starts-up search and preparation), and 38 measuring indexes by search and confirming factor analysis. This research never drop the confidence test over each indexes and obtain the proper figures. Last but not least, this research confirm the gap between starts-up club members and non members as to an effectiveness of entrepreneurship education and 9 different indexes.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.217-221
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• 2013

This study developed predictive models for the kinetic behavior of Staphylococcus aureus on processed cheeses. Mozzarella slice cheese and cheddar slice cheese were inoculated with 0.1 ml of a S. aureus strain mixture (ATCC13565, ATCC14458, ATCC23235, ATCC27664, and NCCP10826). The inoculated samples were then stored at $4^{\circ}C$ (1440 h), $15^{\circ}C$ (288 h), $25^{\circ}C$ (72 h), and $30^{\circ}C$ (48 h), and the growth of all bacteria and of S. aureus were enumerated on tryptic soy agar and mannitol salt agar, respectively. The Baranyi model was fitted to the growth data of S. aureus to calculate growth rate (${\mu}_{max}$; ${\log}CFU{\cdot}g^{-1}{\cdot}h^{-1}$), lag phase duration (LPD; h), lower asymptote (log CFU/g), and upper asymptote (log CFU/g). The growth parameters were further analyzed using the square root model as a function of temperature. The model performance was validated with observed data, and the root mean square error (RMSE) was calculated. At $4^{\circ}C$, S. aureus cell growth was not observed on either processed cheese, but S. aureus growth on the mozzarella and cheddar cheeses was observed at $15^{\circ}C$, $25^{\circ}C$, and $30^{\circ}C$. The ${\mu}_{max}$ values increased, but LPD values decreased as storage temperature increased. In addition, the developed models showed acceptable performance (RMSE = 0.3500-0.5344). This result indicates that the developed kinetic model should be useful in describing the growth pattern of S. aureus in processed cheeses.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.72-89
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• 2012

This study aimed to reconsider the theory that the renowned Amisan(峨眉山) terraced garden at north of Gyotaejeon(交泰殿) was artificially made, by reviewing the historical records and drawings. It has been widely accepted that Amisan was made of the digged soil from Gyeonghoeji(慶會池). But several arguments about artificial mountain theory of Amisan that completely not be found in historical records have been raised in this study. The results were summarized as follows; the inherent contradiction in existing opinion, the discordance between the time of building Gyeonghoeji and Gyotaejeon, the existence of the mountain range which connect Baekaksan and Amisan appeared in Dohyeong(圖形), historical documents written in the years of kingdoms of Youngjo(英祖) and Gojong(高宗), a high position seen from Heungbogjeon(興復殿) in the north Amisan through the wall in the east but impassable, an opinion about realization Amisan as geomantic term of Amisa(蛾眉砂) at the time of Gyeongbok Palace reconstruction, and preservation of the mountain range in Gyeongbok Palace that comes from the result of the arguments in main mountain of Gyeongbok Palace in the year of Sejong(世宗). In addition, it was investigated why the slop in the north of Gyotaejeon was named as Aminsan and why the artificial mountain theory is appeared and made a conclusion that the Amisan comes from the change of the pronunciation of the geomantic term "Amisa", and modeling the yijing[意景] of Amisan which is a sacred place of Taoism and Buddhism in Sichuan[四川] of Chinaand the view of construction to mean defeating a spirit of smallpox which had to be cured. And it seems to be a result which retroactively applied the artificial mountain theory of Amisanis the technique of 'constructing mountain with digged pond dirt' to the relationship between Gyeonghoeji and Amisan. The greater part of mountain range which was connecting with Baekaksan and Amisan was seriously disconnected with large scale of exposition by the Japanese colonial period in 1915. But low slope is kept about 70 meters along the trail northeast of Gyotaejeon. Accordingly, it is judged that the range has not been entirely destroyed. And according to the result of elevation analysis, discontinuous slope form certain axis is found, so the mountain range of Amisan is approximately estimated. This basic research about the mountain range of Amisan might provide a critical clue about restoration of topography in Gyeongbok Palace.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.22-32
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• 2013

This study aimed to reveal the establishment process and design concept of KoKwan park built in modern Busan, which is called three major park includes YongDuSan park and TaeJeong Park, by analyzing BusanIlbo published modern period in Busan and 'Busan' published modern Busan prefecture. In KoKwan, there was installed DuMoPo Waegwan. The Japanese residents built the cemetery and memorial stone for Tsunohe Heigo's sudden death in the KoKwan hill, who was an envoy dispatched by Tsusima prefecture, in order to enhance awareness of the old territory DuMoPo Waegwan. In 1916, the Japanese residents repaired ruined the place by rasing funds and donated to Busan prefecture. Busan prefecture went public this place as a park. Meanwhile, In order to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the opening of Busan port, Oike Chusuke's memorial statue was built in private house neiboring KoKwan park. He became the richest person in Busan while engaged in commerce and industry since he come to the Busan the year before the opening of Busan port. He donate garden site includes his statue and 10,000 Won for KoKwan park construction expenses to Busan prefecture Busan prefecture invite Oya Rejo, who was Osaka-Hu's landscape designer, to design the KoKwan park. He visited Busan and survey KoKwan park and other Busan's park and submitted the plan to Busan prefecture. His Plan for KoKwan includes shrine and Oike's statue, arboretum and greenhouses, children's play garden, etc. Oya's design concept of KoKwan park was analyzed as follows: the juxtaposition of the sacred and secular, the succession of present landscape context, the complement of parks content, the tool of nation-state formation. KoKwan park was completed with cost 20,000 won, insufficient budget compared with Oya's estimated amount. However, in this thesis, it was not cleared whether Busan prefecture built the park as it was. In 1945, after the independence, KoKwan Park was destroyed due to build Dong-gu Office, houses. The remained subjects from this study are to clarify the process the destruction of the park.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• Korean small business review
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.69-102
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• 2020

Shedding new light on the research trend on entrepreneurial ecosystems in the 40-year history of the Asia Pacific Journal of Small Business, this study aims at exploring a potential measurement framework of ecological inputs and outputs in an entrepreneurial ecosystem that promotes entrepreneurship at geographical and spatial levels. As a result of the analysis of research on the entrepreneurial ecosystem in the journal, we found that prior studies emphasized the managerial importance of various ecological factors on the premise of possible causalities between the factors and entrepreneurship. However, empirical research to verify the premised causality has been underexplored yet. This literature gap may lead to unbalanced development of conceptual and case studies that identify requirements for successful entrepreneurial ecosystems based on experiential facts, thereby hindering the generalization of the research results for practical implications. In that there is a growing interest in creating and operating productive entrepreneurial ecosystems as an innovation engine that drives national and regional economic growth, it is necessary to explore and develop the measurement framework for ecological factors that can be used in future empirical research. Hereupon, we apply a conceptual model of 'input-output-outcome-impact' to categorize individual environmental factors identified in prior studies. Based on the model. We operationalize ecological input factors as the financial, intellectual, institutional, and social capitals, and ecological output factors as the establishment-based, innovation-based, and performance-based entrepreneurship. Also, we propose several longitudinal databases that future empirical research can use in analyzing the potential causality between the ecological input and output factors. The proposed framework of entrepreneurial ecosystems, which focuses on measuring ecological input and output factors, has a high application value for future research that analyzes the causality.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.315-338
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• 2022

In 1986, Korea established legal systems to support small and medium-sized start-ups, which becomes the main pillars of national development. The legal systems have stimulated start-up ecosystems to have more than 1 million new start-up companies founded every year during the past 30 years. To analyze the trend of Korea's start-up ecosystem, in this study, we collected 1.18 million news articles from 1991 to 2020. Then, we extracted news articles that have the keywords "start-up", "venture", and "start-up". We employed network analysis and topic modeling to analyze collected news articles. Our analysis can contribute to analyzing the government policy direction shown in the history of start-up support policy. Specifically, our analysis identifies the dynamic characteristics of government influenced by external environmental factors (e.g., society, economy, and culture). The results of our analysis suggest that the start-up ecosystems in Korea have changed and developed mainly by the government policies for corporation governance, industrial development planning, deregulation, and economic prosperity plan. Our frequency keyword analysis contributes to understanding entrepreneurial productivity attributed to activities among the networked components in industrial ecosystems. Our analyses and results provide practitioners and researchers with practical and academic implications that can help to establish dedicated support policies through forecast tasks of the economic environment surrounding the start-ups. Korean entrepreneurial productivity has been empowered by growing numbers of large companies in the mobile phone industry. The spectrum of large companies incorporates content startups, platform providers, online shopping malls, and youth-oriented start-ups. In addition, economic situational factors contribute to the growth of Korean entrepreneurial productivity the economic, which are related to the global expansions of the mobile industry, and government efforts to foster start-ups. Our research is methodologically implicative. We employ natural language processes for 30 years of media articles, which enables more rigorous analysis compared to the existing studies which only observe changes in government and policy based on a qualitative manner.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.