• Title/Summary/Keyword: Wearing type

Search Result 524, Processing Time 0.03 seconds

Designing and Fabricating of the High-visibility Smart Safety Clothing (고시인성 스마트 안전의류의 설계 및 제작)

  • Park, Soon-Ja;Kim, Sun-Woong
    • Science of Emotion and Sensibility
    • /
    • v.23 no.4
    • /
    • pp.105-116
    • /
    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study is to progress the limitations and disadvantages of existing safety clothing by applying high technology to current safety clothing that is produced and distributed only with fluorescent fabrics and retroreflective materials. Therefore, the industrial suspender-type safety belt and engineering technology are introduced, designed, and fabricated to help save a life in an emergency. First, the suspender-type safety belt to be developed is designed to emit light by LED attached to the film, and the body of the belt-wearer is recognized from a distance through retroreflection from the flashing LED. It aims to support people's safety by preventing accidents during roadside work, rescue activities, and sports activities at night. Second, with the development of advanced devices when the user is in an unconscious state due to distress or falls into an unconscious state due to distress or accident, the tilt sensor of the control unit attached to the belt automatically detects the angle of the human body and generates light and sound. It is intended to further enhance the utilization by mounting a sensing and signaling device that generates a distress signal and shaping it in the form of a belt attached to a vest that can be easily detached from the outside of the garment. When the wearer falls due to an accident, the tilt sensor of this belt detects the angle change and then the controller generates a high-frequency sound and repeated LED blinking signals at the same time. In the case of conventional safety vests, it is almost impossible to detect that the person is wearing a vest when there is no ambient light, but in case of the safety belts in this study, the sound and light signals of the safety belt enable us to find the wearer within 100 meters even when there is no ambient light.

A Study on the Costume Style of Civil Servants' Stone Images Erected at Tombs of the Kings for Yi-dynasty (조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 왕릉(王陵) 문인석상(文人石像)의 복식형태(服飾形態)에 관한 연구)

  • Kwon, Yong-Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
    • /
    • v.4
    • /
    • pp.87-114
    • /
    • 1981
  • A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

  • PDF

"A Study on Hebrews Clothing in the Old Testament" - Especially on Hair Styles, Headgears, Footwear and Personal Ornaments - (구약성서(舊約聖書)에 나타난 히브리인의 복식(服飾) - 두식(頭飾), 신발 및 장신구(裝身具) 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Park, Chan-Boo
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
    • /
    • v.10
    • /
    • pp.63-80
    • /
    • 1986
  • The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.

  • PDF

Reliability Verification of FLUKA Transport Code for Double Layered X-ray Protective Sheet Design (이중 구조의 X선 차폐시트 설계를 위한 FLUKA 수송코드의 신뢰성 검증)

  • Kang, Sang Sik;Heo, Seung Wook;Choi, Il Hong;Jun, Jae Hoon;Yang, Sung Woo;Kim, Kyo Tae;Heo, Ye Ji;Park, Ji Koon
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
    • /
    • v.11 no.7
    • /
    • pp.547-553
    • /
    • 2017
  • In the current medical field, lead is widely used as a radiation shield. However, the lead weight is very heavy, so wearing protective clothing such as apron is difficult to wear for long periods of time and there is a problem with the danger of lethal toxicity in humans. Recently, many studies have been conducted to develop substitute materials of lead to resolve these problems. As a substitute materials for lead, barium(Ba) and iodine(I) have excellent shielding ability. But, It has characteristics emitting characteristic X-rays from the energy area near 30 keV. For patients or radiation workers, shielding materials is often made into contact with the human body. Therefore, the characteristic X-rays generated by the shielding material are directly exposured in the human body, which increases the risk of increasing radiation absorbed dose. In this study, we have developed the FLUKA transport code, one of the most suitable elements of radiation transport codes, to remove the characteristic X-rays generated by barium or iodine. We have verified the reliability of the shielding fraction of the structure of the structure shielding by comparing with the MCPDX simulations conducted as a prior study. Using the MCNPX and FLUKA, the double layer shielding structures with the various thickness combination consisting of barium sulphate ($BaSO_4$) and bismuth oxide($Bi_2O_3$) are designed. The accuracy of the type shown in IEC 61331-1 was geometrically identical to the simulation. In addition, the transmission spectrum and absorbed dose of the shielding material for the successive x-rays of 120 kVp spectra were compared with lead. In results, $0.3mm-BaSO_4/0.3mm-Bi_2O_3$ and $0.1mm-BaSO_4/0.5mm-Bi_2O_3$ structures have been absorbed in both 33 keV and 37 keV characteristic X-rays. In addition, for high-energy X-rays greater than 90 keV, the shielding efficiency was shown close to lead. Also, the transport code of the FLUKA's photon transport code was showed cut-off on low-energy X-rays(below 33keV) and is limited to computerized X-rays of the low-energy X-rays. But, In high-energy areas above 40 keV, the relative error with MCNPX was found to be highly reliable within 6 %.

Effect of Mouthguard on Tooth Distortion During Clenching (이악물기 시 발생되는 치아변형에 대한 구강보호장치의 역할)

  • Lee, Yun;Choi, Dae-Gyun;Kwon, Kung-Rock;Lee, Richard Sung-Bok;Noh, Kwan-Tae
    • Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
    • /
    • v.26 no.4
    • /
    • pp.405-417
    • /
    • 2010
  • Previous studies have already shown that mouthguard is effective in protecting jaw bone, teeth and oral tissue against sports trauma. However, other than severe trauma, repetitive force, such as disorders like clenching, cause teeth or oral tissue damage. These kinds of disorders usually present pathologic attrition in the posterior teeth, resorption in alveolar bone, loss of teeth and destruction of occlusion. Wearing a mouthguard is believed to be effective in preventing these disorders. But its effect is not examined thoroughly enough. The purpose of this study is to identify whether mouthguard is effective in reducing strain caused by clenching. Mandibular first molars in the normal occlusal relationship without any history of dental treatment were chosen. Biaxial type strain gauge was placed on the buccal surface of the tooth. Having maximum occlusal force, measured by load cell, as a standard, clenching intensity were divided into three stages; moment of slightly tooth contact, medium bite force (50% of maximum bite force), maximum bite force. Strain occurring in dentition in each stage with and without mouthguard was measured. Changes in strain (on dentition) between each stage and difference in strain, between with or without mouthguard were recorded by PCD-300 analyzer and PCD-30 soft ware. The data was statistically analyzed by Wilcoxon signed rank test. The following results were drawn; Without mouthguard, strain given on dentition increased as the clenching force increased. With mouthguard, strain given on dentition also increased as the clenching force increased. With mouthguard, strain decreased, in all cases of clenching force stages. Data on the moment of slightly tooth contact stage, had no statistical significance. However, with mouthguard, 50-90% of decrease in strain could be obtained in maximum occlusal force, compared to the group without mouthguard. Mouthguard decreased the strain on the dentition, caused by clenching. Therefore, mouthguard seems to be effective in preventing damage on dentition, by acting against clenching, which occurs both consciously and unconsciously during sports activities.

A STUDY ON THE CHILD PATIENT'S PREFERENCE TOWARD DENTIST'S ATTIRE (소아환자의 치과의사 복장에 대한 선호도 연구)

  • Wee, You-Min;Lee, Chang-Seop;Lee, Sang-Ho
    • Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
    • /
    • v.29 no.2
    • /
    • pp.168-179
    • /
    • 2002
  • The purpose of this study was to find a method for improving the children's behavior during dental treatment in relation with dentist's attire. For this study 150 children, visiting a dental clinic, were asked to participate in a survey on the attire of the dentist. The results of the survey were as follows: 1. In the survey for the preference between gown and ordinary clothes according to sex(P<0.05), age(P<0.05), residence (P<0.05) and number of visits(P<0.05), there was more preference for gown(65.3%). 2. The preference for the type of gown and attire under the gown was a long gown and white shirt (30.7%), followed by a suit-like gown (18.7%) and white shirt, and long gown and polo shirt(17.3%). 3. The preference for the color of gown was white(34.7%), followed by pink (18.7%), green(18.0%), blue(15.3%) and yellow(13.3%). 4. The preference for the pattern on the gown was cartoon characters(49.3%), followed by hospital logo(28.7%) and no pattern(14.7%). 5. The preference for ordinary clothes of female dentists was polo shirt(37.3%), followed by striped shirt(28.7%), round T-shirt(18.7%), and everyday Korean traditional dress(15.3%). 6. The preference for ordinary clothes of male dentists was pattern necktie and no pattern Y-shirt(28.0%), followed by no pattern necktie and Y-shirt(21.3%) or pattern shirt with no necktie, and no pattern Y-shirt with no necktie(14.7%). 7. The preference on the protective equipment worn was mask and glove(28.7%), followed by no protective equipment(26.7%), mask, glove and protective glasses(22.7%) at)d only mask(22.0%). Based on the above results, it seems that parting with the traditional white gown and wearing multi-color and pattern attire will provide psychological stability and help improve children's behavior during treatment.

  • PDF

The Difference of the Cleaning and Wettability-maintaining Efficacy of Lens Care Solution to RGP Lens (관리 용품에 따른 RGP 렌즈의 세척효과 및 습윤성 차이)

  • Kim, Myoung-Hea;Park, Mi-Jung
    • Journal of Korean Ophthalmic Optics Society
    • /
    • v.11 no.1
    • /
    • pp.27-34
    • /
    • 2006
  • We investigated the question whether the efficacy of cleaning tear components on RGP lens and preserving the superior wettability of RGP lens depended on the different type of contact lens care system - RGP lens care solution, SCL care solution, combined solution both for SCL and RGP lens or saline solution. The removal efficacy of the deposited protein was examined by Lowry protein assay and Scanning Electro Microscope(SEM) and residual lipid concentration on RGP lens was determined by High Pressure Liquid Chromatology(HPLC). Wettability was assessed with an equilibrium water-in-air contact angle method. When cared by RGP lens solution, it was demonstrated that 62 percent out of the adhered protein on RGP lens were removed and the removal efficacy of RGP lens solution was not only 4 times than saline solution and the alternative but also higher twice than SCL solution. Contrarily, the SCL solution had the most excellent removal efficacy of the adhered protein on SCL. These results suggest that the cleaning efficacy is thought to be affected by the other factors like the viscosity of care solutions, which mutual contact between RGP lens and care solutions is on the increase due to the viscosity enhancer in RGP lens care solution. RGP lens solution had the greatest removing efficacy to cholesterol and the residual cholesterol concentration was decreased to 50%. It is significant for RGP lens to preserve the superior wettability which means the predictive value for comfortable wearing and it showed that the RGP lens solution offered the most excellent efficacy to maintain the surface wettability. Combined solution both for SCL and RGP lens had weak efficacy of cleaning and maintaining wettability for RGP lens compared to RGP lens care solution.

  • PDF

Denaturation and Inactivation of Antioxidative Enzymes due to Repeated Exposure to UV-B and Inhibitory Effect of RGP Lens (UV-B 반복노출에 따른 항산화효소의 변성 및 활성저하와 RGP렌즈의 차단효과)

  • Byun, Hyun Young;Lee, Eun Jung;Oh, Dae Hwan;Kim, So Ra;Park, Mijung
    • Journal of Korean Ophthalmic Optics Society
    • /
    • v.20 no.2
    • /
    • pp.237-246
    • /
    • 2015
  • Purpose: The present study was conducted to reveal the correlation of structural denaturation and decrease of enzyme activity when the antioxidative enzymes, superoxide dismutase (SOD) and catalase (CAT) were repeatedly exposed to UV-B, and further investigate whether the denaturation and inactivation of those enzymes can be effectively blocked by using UV-inhibitory RGP lens. Methods: Each enzyme solution was prepared from the standardized SOD and CAT, and repeatedly exposed to UV-B of 312 nm for 30 minutes, 1 hour and 2 hours a day over 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 days. Structural denaturation of SOD and CAT induced by repeat UV-B irradiation was confirmed by the electrophoretic analysis, and their enzyme activity was determined by the colorimetric assay using the proper assay kit. At that time, the change in structure and activity of the antioxidant enzymes directly exposed to UV-B was compared to the case that UV-B was blocked by UV-inhibitory RGP lens. Results: SOD exposed repeatedly to UV-B showed the polymerization pattern in the electrophoretic analysis when it repeatedly exposed for 30 min a day, however, the change of its activity was less than 10%. On the other hand, CAT repeatedly exposed to UV-B reduced size and density of the electrophoretic band which indicated a structure denaturation, and its activity was significantly decreased. In the case that the repeat exposure time was longer, CAT activity was completely lost even though some enzyme band occurred in the electrphoretic analysis. In addition, the degeneration of CAT due to UV-B irradiation was inhibited to some extent by using RGP lens with a UV-B blocking of 63.7%, however, it was not completely inhibited. Conclusions: From these results, it was revealed that the structural denaturation of antioxidative enzymes was not perfectly correlated with the reduction in enzyme activity according to the type of enzyme. It is recommended to minimize the exposure time to UV when wearing contact lens, or wear the contact lenses having UV blocking rate of the FDA Class I blocker or the sunglasses having equivalent UV-blocking rate for reducing the damage of antioxidative enzymes induced by UV.

A Study on the Change of Masks for Goseong Ogwangdae Play - Before and after the designation of intangible cultural assets- (고성오광대 연희용 탈의 변화 양상)

  • Nam, Jin-A
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.41
    • /
    • pp.257-284
    • /
    • 2020
  • Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.100
    • /
    • pp.140-170
    • /
    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.