• Title/Summary/Keyword: Trump

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Nuclear Weapons Deployment and Diplomatic Bargaining Leverage: The Case of the January 2018 Hawaiian Ballistic Missile Attack False Alarm

  • Benedict E. DeDominicis
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.11 no.1
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    • pp.110-134
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    • 2023
  • North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

The Influence of the Tools of Liberalism and the Clash of Civilizations on Arabs' Perceptions of the United States of America

  • Ali A Dashti;Ali Al-Kandari;Ahmed R. Alsaber;Ahmad Al-Shallal
    • Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.327-357
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    • 2023
  • Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

Research on John School as a policy to prevent recidivism of online sex trafficking

  • Park, Jong-Ryeol;Noe, Sang-Ouk
    • Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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    • v.23 no.8
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    • pp.143-149
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    • 2018
  • Recently, President Donald Trump signed FOSTA (Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act) in April 11, 2018, which makes online service no more immune from civil liability for the action of third party facilitating sex trafficking content. Although it is also important to enhance security regulations and cognition on law, but it will be economically more effective to put more energy on preventing recidivism. For John School in Korea, it should increase implementation rate by putting core manpower and budget for preventing needs of sex purchase and then, check operation method and efficacy to improve the actual program. One way is first, empirical analysis and data is required on efficacy of John School program. Second, should have clear definition in Special Sex Trade Law. Third, more strick regulation for selecting participant is required. Fourth, more manpower and budget is required. Fifth, charging the participant for educational fee shall be reviewed. Sixth, educational program should be reviewed. The most important point of education is to make those criminals feel guilty about financially purchasing the sex, basically making them to recognize that it is ethically wrong. However, the current education system contains no clear explanation about the ethical issue of such problem but focusing more on other factors such as sexual disease and structural problem of sexual business. Therefore, this failed to deliver the right psychological training to those criminals without any ethical control. Knowing why women feel hurt when having unwanted sexual relationship by being paid is required part in terms of education for preventing sex trafficking.

A Study on the Changes and the Impact of Korean Trade Policy after the US's withdrawal of TPP -Based on Vietnam Market- (미국의 TPP 탈퇴에 따른 한국 통상정책의 변화와 그 영향에 대한 연구 -베트남 시장을 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Dong-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.92-102
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    • 2018
  • This paper studied the changes and effects of Korean Trade Policies in Vietnam market after the withdrawal of the TPP from US. Since Trump government is starting, US trade policy has moved to the protectionism method. Nevertheless, Vietnam is expanding its status as an FTA hub, and Vietnam is actively expanding its economic growth by actively implementing foreign capital. Vietnam, however, is likely to lose its position as a hub of FTA after USA's withdrawal from TPP member. So, Korea's trade policy is also expected to change its stance on Vietnam, and Korea is expected to change its policy toward Vietnam. Korea has achieved a lot of accomplishments and growth with free trade and free economic markets, and it has to strengthen its national strength even afterwards. Thus, if the flow of free trade & globalization continues, I would consider how the Korea trade policy change after the U.S.'s withdraws from TPP.

Road Map for ROK-US Alliance Readjustment with the Changing Security Environment (안보환경 변화에 따른 한미동맹 조정 로드맵)

  • Park, Won Gon
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.18 no.7
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    • pp.577-589
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    • 2018
  • The future of ROK-US alliance has not been discussed in detail by both governments since early 2000s. However, it is becoming more apparent that ROK-US alliance is facing various daunting challenges. The new administrations both in ROK and US might have different perspectives about the future of alliance. In the process of resolving outstanding North Korean nuclear issue, the alliance can face challenges to change its fundamental features such as halting joint military exercise. ROK-US governments also agreed to transfer wartime operational control as soon as possible. All those factors indicates the growing necessity to articulate the future of ROK-US alliance. ROK and US needs to facilitate to dialogue for future alliance with the possible scenarios of changing security environment such as maintaining status quo, reconciliation of North and South Korea, and entering the reunification stage. In each phase, ROK-US has to develop the goal for the alliance, military institution to implement the alliance, role of USFK, and etc. It is imperative to develop the road map for future ROK-US alliance at this stage to avoid unnecessary folly.

Analysis of U.S.-China Relations on The Korean Peninsula Military Puzzle : Under Circumstance of NK's Nuclear, THAAD, US-ROK Alliance (한반도 군사적 현안에 관한 미중관계 고찰 : 북핵, 사드, 한미동맹의 환경 하에서)

  • Woo, Jeongmin
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.3
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    • pp.83-93
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    • 2017
  • The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

Distinctive Features of Advancing Breast Cancer Cells and Interactions with Surrounding Stroma Observed Under the Scanning Electron Microscope

  • Jaafar, Hasnan;Sharif, Sharifah Emilia Tuan;Murtey, Mogana Das
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.1305-1310
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    • 2012
  • Breast cancer cells undergo transformation when they spread into surrounding tissues. Studies have shown that cancer cells undergo surface alterations and interact with the surrounding microenvironment during the invasion process. The aim of the present study was to analyse these cancer cell surface alterations and interactions of cancer cells and stroma. Twenty 1-methyl-1-nitrosourea-induced breast cancer samples taken from five rats were fixed in McDowell-Trump fixative and then washed in 0.1 M phosphate buffer. The samples were then treated with osmium tetroxide before being washed in distilled water and subsequently dehydrated through graded ethanols. The dehydrated samples were immersed in hexamethyldisilazane (HMDS), then following removal of excess HMDS, the samples were air dried at room temperature in a dessicator. The dried samples were mounted onto specimen stubs and coated with gold coater before being viewed under a scanning electron microscope. We detected the presence of membrane ruffles on the surface of cancer cells and the formation of unique surface membrane protrusions to enhance movement and adhesion to the surrounding stroma during the process of invasion. Advancing cancer cells demonstrated formation of lamellipodia and invadopodia. The stroma at the advancing edge was desmoplastic with many collagen fibres laid down near the cancer cells. Our data suggest that all of these abnormalities could act as hallmarks of invasiveness for breast cancer.

The Efficiency of ROK-U.S. Alliance in Order to Overcome North Korea's Nuclear Threats: Evaluations & Measures (북한 핵위협 극복을 위한 한미동맹 효용성: 평가와 대책)

  • Kim, Yeon Jun
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.89-100
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    • 2017
  • Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

North Korea's nuclear and missile development and our countermeasures (북한의 핵 및 미사일 개발과 우리의 대응방안)

  • Lee, Hyun Hee;Kim, Gyu Nam
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.127-135
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    • 2017
  • Today, Kim Jong-un, the third-hereditary regime in North Korea, is committing Nuclear Provocation more aggressively than the past when Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il dominated. Past South Korea government had suggested plans to restrain the provocation from North Korea and bring stabilization in the Korean Peninsula. However, consequentially it was limited to the primary role of the President. When President Trump takes over the government in February 2017, it has attracted the expectation about the issues occurred on the Korean Peninsula due to the pledge that he promised during the presidential election and his govern style. However, various speeches about the Korean Peninsula that he spoke recently made situations depressed about what South Korean currently encounters. Furthermore, previous regime in North Korea has laid the foundation for Kim Jong-un to be obsessed more on the nuclear and missile which has led him to provoke more imprudently by highlighting the light weight, advanced, and various kinds of nuclear and missiles. Thus, we would like to propose counter measures in order for South Korean government to handle and solve the issues that they encounters by themselves based on North Korea's Nuclear Provocation instead of relying on other countries to get involved and help.

A Study on the Effectiveness of Naval Blockade as a Method of Sanctions - Focusing on the Analysis of Peacetime Naval Blockades after WW2 - (국가 제재수단으로서 평시 해상봉쇄의 효과성의 분석에 대한 연구)

  • Park, Jin Sung
    • Strategy21
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    • s.44
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    • pp.254-290
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    • 2018
  • Why did Kim Jong Un turn his foreign policy upside down in a sudden? US naval blockade became one of candidates for the reason since it had been threatened by Trump administration for the first time in December 2017. Has the blockades worked well like that in the international politic history? This paper reveals the effectiveness of naval blockade on sanctioning in the peacetime. This research analyzes three hypothetical arguments about the naval blockade based on the result of empirical tests with TIES Dataset. First, sanctions by blockading are more effective in gaining political benefits than the other economic sanctions. It was ranked the 4th effective way of sanction out of 9. And 56.3% of pacific naval blockades without packaged economic sanctions were succeeded, whereas the possibility of success increase up to 61.2% when blockade has been imposed in accordance with the other type of economic sanctions. Second, blockades deter military collisions, even war. When it comes to military provocation issue, blockading sanctions gain political interest far more than the other type of economic sanctions. The possibility of the success reaches up to 74%. Also, there wasn't any historical cases of war incurred by blockading sanctions within 5 years after the blockade end. Third, policy makers just need 1.2 years on average to see the end of sanctions when they choose the naval blockade as the method of imposing sanction on the adversary. It is impressively short span of time in achieving political goal compared to the other types of sanctions which are need 9 years on average. North East Asia sea could be the next stage for a naval blockade sooner or later. Because China and Japan not only possess capabilities of blockade but also have will to impose blockades to the others if conditions are set. And even the North Korea with lots of submerging forces could be a blockading threat in the specific area. So, the Republic of Korea has to pay more attention and be prepared for naval blockading sanction.