• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.71-105
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• 2005

Toson-Shibigok(Twelve Songs of Toson) which T'oegye, Yi Hwang, composed has received a lot of attention in terms of its educational implications. These implications have become the essential part of Gojeon Sigas(classic songs and poems), and solid evidence has also been accumulated in the literature. Therefore, the purposes of this study are twofold, that is 1) to explore the impact of T'oegye's fundamental structure of the first education at that time and 2) describe how these educational attitudes will eventually yield meta- educational values. What T'oegye meant by fundamental structure of the first education was that Sijos originated from his own experience should be the vital part of teaching method. One can say that T'oegye's teaching method is more integrative than that of modern literature education in that it includes songs. Not only using his own teaching method, but T'oegye tried to demonstrate his own literary structure to his colleagues and the future generations. In the end, Meta-Education which comprises the heart of recent educational theories well reflects Toegye's theoretical propositions. Rather than giving practical knowledge, his method offers the paradigms of thought patterns and shows the learners' attitudes in approaching the truth. Moreover, T'oegye's teaching method has become a good example to the future generations as well as his contemporary followers. In sum, although a lot of years have passed since he died, T'oegye's Sijo works and life still have invaluable impact on the field of education.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.29-52
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• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.267-293
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• 2014

This paper is aimed at analyzing the characteristics of Image-Meaning theory focused on image in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and SongMing period. Zhouyi' theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty was constructed on the basis of Zhouyi' theory of SongMing period. The characteristics of Image-Meaning theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be explained largely by two routes. One is the perspective of critical succession on Zhouyi'theory of focusing on meaning that led Chengyi(程?) and Yangwanli(楊萬裏). As the representative of this route, Gwongeun and Toegye not only asserted Image-meaning theory focused on meaning, but also developed a perspective of taking all the image and meaning. The other is the active succession and creative transformation about Image-Meaning theory of Tushuxue that led Chentuan(陳?) and Shaoyong(邵雍). As the representative of that route, Yulgok and Yeohun explained the schematic diagram of the universe of the universe by using methodology of Tushuxue. Furthermore, they actively succeed Shaoyong' Zhouyi theory to expand Image-Meaning theory focused on number. In addition, Cho, Haoyi(曺好益)described the propositions - "meaning is not out of image area, image equipped with meaning all, then there is no law of limitation in image adopted theory. Those propositions are opposed to Chengyi(程?) and Zhuxi(朱熹)' ZhouYi' theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.7-35
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• 2010

Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.107-138
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• 2013

The purpose of this article is to awaken our colleagues to the culture and mind issues that have been forgotten or neglected by contemporary psychiatry under the prevalence of materialistic orientation. Cultural psychiatry too, though it has been contributed a great deal to widen the mental vision of psychiatry, has revealed several limitations in its approach. In the course of one sided search for culture specific factors in relation to mental health, conventional cultural psychiatry has neglected an effort to explore the common root underlying the different cultures and the common foundation of human mind. Cross sectional comparisons of the cultures alone have inevitably prevented the global considerations to culutre and mind in historical aspects and the dynamic interactions between mind and culture more in depth. The author suggested that the total view of mind and total approach of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung might be capable to replenish those limitations. Author explained the ways of C.G. Jung's observations and experiences of non-western culture and his concepts of culture and mind. The author demonstrated Jung's view of culture with the example of Filial Piety, Hyo, the Confucian moral norm which can be regarded as components of the collective consciousness though connected with archetypal patterns of behavior of intimacy between parent and child. In regard to the coexistence of multi-religious cultures in Korea the author made a proposal of 'culture spectrum' model for understanding value orientations of person in religious cultures. He identified in case of the Korean 4 types of cultural spectrums: Person with predominantly the Buddhist culture; with the Confucian; with the Shamanist; and with the Christian culture. The author also made an attempt to depict the dynamic interactions of different religious cultures in historical perspectives of Korea. Concepts of mind from the Eastern thoughts were reviewed in comparison with Jung's view of mind. The Dao of Lao Zi, One Mind by Wonhyo, the Korean Zen master from the 7th century, the Diagram of the Heaven's Decree by Toegye, a renowned Neo-Confucianist of Korea from the 16th century and his theory of Li-Ki, were explored and came to conclusion that they represent certainly the symbol of the Self in term of C.G. Jung. The goal of healing is 'the becoming whole person'. Becoming whole person means bringing the person as an individual to live not only within the specific culture but also to live in the world beyond the culture which is deeply rooted in the primordial foundation of human mind.