• 대한핵의학회지
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.55-66
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• 1967

In view of its prevalence in the Far East area, a more detailed knowledge on the hookworm infection is one of the very important medical problems. The present study was aimed to; determine the infectivity of the artificially hatched ancylostoma duodenale larvae in man after its oral administration, evaluate the clinical symptomatology of such infection, determine the date of first appearance of the ova in the stool, calculate the blood loss per worm per day, assess the relation-ships between the ova count, infectivity(worm load), blood loss and severity of anemia. An erythrokinetic study was also done to analyse the characteristics of hookworm anemia by means of $^{59}Fe\;and\;^{51}Cr$. Materials and Methods Ten healthy male volunteers(doctors, medical students and laboratory technicians) with the ages ranging from 21 to 40 years were selected as the experimental materials. They had no history of hookworm infection for preceding several years, and care was taken not to be exposed to reinfection. A baseline study including a through physical examinations and laboratory investigations such as complete blood counts, stool examination and estimation of the serum iron levels was done, and a vermifuge, bephenium hydroxynaphoate, was given 10 days prior to the main experiment. The ancylostoma duodenale filariform larvae were obtained in the following manner; The pure ancylostoma duodenale ova were obtained from the hookworm anemia patients and a modified filter paper method was adopted to harvest larger number of infective larvae, which were washed several times with saline. The actively moving mature larvae were put into the gelatine capsules, 150 in each, and were given to the volunteers in the fasting state with 300ml. of water. The volunteers were previously treated with intramuscular injection of 15mg. of chlorpromazine in order to prevent the eventual nausea and vomiting after the larvae intake. The clinical symptoms and signs mainly of the respiratory and gastrointestinal tracts, appearance of the ova and occult blood in the stool etc. were checked every day for the first 20 days and then twice weekly until the end of the experiment, which usually lasted for about 3 months. Roentgenological survey of the lungs was also done. The hematological changes such as the red blood cell, white blood cell and eosinophil cell counts, hemoglobin content and serum iron levels were studied. The appearance of the ova in the stool was examined by the formalin ether method and the ova were counted in triplicate on two successive days using the Stoll's dilution method. The ferrokinetic data were calculated by the modified Huff's method and the apparent half survival time of the red blood cells by the modified Gray's method. The isotopes were simultaneously tagged and injected intravenously, and then the stool and blood samples were collected as was described by Roche et al., namely, three separate 4-day stool samples with the blood sample drawing before each 4-day stool collection. The radio-activities of the stools ashfied and the blood were separately measured by the pulse-height analyser. The daily blood loss was calculated with the following formula; daily blood loss in $ml.=\frac{cpm/g\;stool{\times}weight\;in\;g\;of\;4-day\;stool}{cpm/ml\;blood{\times}4}$ The average of these three 4-day periods was given as the daily blood loss in each patient. The blood loss per day per worm was calculated by simply dividing the daily blood loss by the number of the hookworm recovered after the vermifuge given twice a week at the termination of the experiment. The iron loss in mg. through the gastrointestinal tract was estimated with the daily iron loss in $mg=\frac{g\;Hgb/100ml{\times}ml\;daily\;blood\;loss{\times}3.40}{100}$ 3.40=mg of iron per g Hgb following formula; Results 1. The respiratory symptoms such as cough and sputum were noted in almost all cases within a week after the infection, which lasted about 2 weeks. The roentgenological findings of the chest were essentially normal. A moderate degree of febril reaction appeared within 2 weeks with a duration of 3 or 4 days. 2. The gastrointestinal symptoms such as nausea, epigastric fullness, abdominal pain and loose bowel appeared in all cases immediately after the larvae intake. 3. The reduction of the red blood cell count was not remarkable, however, the hemoglobin content and especially the serum iron level showed the steady decreases until the end of the experiment. 4. The white blood cells and eosinophil cells, on the contrary, showed increases in parallel and reached peaks in 20 to 30 days after the infection. A small secondary rise was noted in 2 months. 5. The ova first appeared in the stool in 40. 1 days after the infection, ranging from 29 to 51 days, during which the occult blood reaction of the stool became also positive in almost cases. 6. The number of ova recovered per day was 164, 320 on the average, ranging from 89,500 to 253,800. The number of the worm evacuated by vermifuge was in rough correlation with the number of ova recovered. 7. The infectivity of ancylostoma duodenale was 14% on the average, ranging from 7.3 to 20.0%, which is relatively lower than those reported by other workers. 8. The mean fecal blood loss was 5.78ml. per day, with a range of from 2.6 to 11.7ml., and the mean blood loss per worm per day was 0.30ml., with a range of from 0.13 to 0.73ml., which is in rough coincidence with those reported by other authors. There appeared to exist, however, no correlation between the blood loss and the number of ova recovered. 9. The mean fecal iron loss was 2.02mg. per day, with a range of from 1.20 to 3.89mg., which is less than those appeared in the literature. 10. The mean plasma iron disappearance rate was 0.80hr., with a range of from 0.62 to 0.95hr., namely, a slight accerelation. 11. The hookworm anemia appeared to be iron deficiency in origin caused by continuous intestinal blood loss.

• 사상체질의학회지
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.1-26
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• 1999

1. 연구 목적 사상의학(四象醫學)의 체질증(體質證)과 체질병증(體質病證)의 접근에는 기존 증치의학(證治醫學)과는 다른 통증(痛症)에 대한 시각을 제시하고, 사상의학(四象醫學) 고유 술어로 병리(病理)나 병증(病證)을 설명하여 기존 개념과 혼돈되며, "성명론(性命論)", "사단론(四端論)", "확윤론(擴允論)", "장부론(臟腑論)"을 통해 제시한 인간관(人間觀)과 세계관(世界觀). 이들 간의 조직 원리가 "병증론(病證論)"을 통해 몸에 구현되므로 사상의학(四象醫學)의 병증용약(病證用藥)에 어려움을 느끼게 된다. 그러나 사상의학(四象醫學)도 기존의 증치의학(證治醫學)을 바탕으로 하고 있어 기존의 의학에서 사상의학(四象醫學)이 성립되는 과정과 이제마(李濟馬)의 인간관으로 "병증론(病證論)"을 접근하여 사상의학(四象醫學)의 체질증(體質證)과 체질병증(體質病證)에 대한 정확한 이해를 돕고자 하였다. 2. 연구 방법 문헌적 구로 태소음양인(太少陰陽人)의 병증(病證)을 설명하기 위해 "상한론(傷寒論)", "활인서(活人書)" 등 인용 원서의 병증(病證) 인식(認識)과 이를 인용한 "동의보감(東醫寶鑑)"에서의 병증(病證)을 비교하고 이것이 태소음양인(太少陰陽人)의 체질증(體質證)과 체질병증(體質病證)으로 자리매김되는 과정을 파악하고 그 병리(病理)와 병증(病證)을 "동의수세보원(東醫壽世保元)"의 "성명론(性命論)", "사단론(四端論)", "확윤론(擴允論)", "장부론(臟腑論)"을 통해 드러나는 인간관의 체계로 파악하고자 하였다. 3. 결론 태소음양인의 병증론을 통해 표리병증의 인식 배경과 변화 과정 표리병증의 특징, 체질증과 체질병증의 출발점인 소증의 인식, 기존 의학과 다른 체질병증, 태소음양인의 병증의 특징 등을 살펴 사상의학 체질병증에 대한 결론을 얻어 보고하는 바이다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.91-117
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• 2007

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st${\sim}$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd${\sim}$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $h\d{r}daya$ $sa\d{m}hit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集)" and "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th${\sim}$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布哈拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$", The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\scute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.119-145
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• 2008

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka(閣羅迦集)" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka(閣羅迦) or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st$\sim$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd$\sim$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ $Ast\bar{a}nga$ hrdaya $samhit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集) and "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th$\sim$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布唅拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$". The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제3권
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• 미술자료
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• 제101권
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

1467년에 완성된 원각사13층석탑은 한국 역사상 최후의 호불군주에 의한 최후의 도성불탑이다. 필자는 세조가 즉위 10년을 맞이하여 도성(都城) 중심부에 13층석탑을 세우고 탑에 석가사리(釋迦舍利)와 함께 '신역원각경(新譯圓覺經)'을 봉안한 뜻을 세조의 관점에 입각하여 살펴보았다. 머리말에 이어 제II장에서는 13층탑의 경전적 배경을 다각도로 고찰하였다. 특히 필자는 13층탑 건립의 직접적인 소의경전으로서 『대반열반경후분(大般涅槃經後分)』을 최초로 발굴하고, 이 경전이 7세기 후반 중부 자바에서 번역되고 동아시아에 유통된 사실을 추적하였다. 아울러 13층탑의 기원으로서 이른바 카니시카양식의 탑을 주목하고 동아시아와 한국에서의 13층탑 조성 사례를 개관하였다. 그리고 불교문헌을 탐색하여 '13층'이 깨달음[Buddha]으로 나아가는 수행 단계를 상징함을 입증하였다. 확실히 '13'은 불교도에게는 매우 특별하면서도 신성한 숫자라 할 수 있다. 이어서 제III장에서는 세조의 원각사13층탑 건립의 불교적 정치적 함의를 탐색하였다. 불교적 함의와 관련해서는, 세조가 중국에서 직접 구입하여 조선에 최초로 유통시킨 『번역명의집(翻譯名義集)』과, 그가 최초의 한글 번역에 직접 개입한 『원각경(圓覺經)』에 주목하였다. 『번역명의집』은 14세기에 출현한 일종의 불교용어집인데, 세조는 원각사탑을 창건할 무렵 이 문헌을 통하여 13층탑의 소의경전인 『대반열반경후분』을 알았을 것으로 추론하였다. 한편 세조는 대장경 전체를 상징하는 단일경전으로 '신역 원각경'을 원각사탑에 봉안하였는데, 이것이 바로 그가 최초의 한글 번역에 깊이 관여한 『원각경언해』였다. 아울러 『원각경언해』의 저본은 지금까지 알려진 것과 달리 종밀(宗密)의 『원각경략소(圓覺經略疏)』임을 밝혔다. 원각사탑 건립의 정치적 함의와 관련해서는, 조선 초 왕실의 능사(陵寺)(또는 진전사원(眞殿寺院))에 세워진 석탑-경천사13층석탑(敬天寺13層石塔), 개경사석탑(開慶寺石塔), 연경사석탑(衍慶寺石塔), 신륵사다층석탑(神勒寺多層石塔)-들을 비교 검토하였다. 그 결과 세조가 자신의 왕위계승에 정당성을 부여하기 위하여 정치적 상징으로서 원각사13층석탑을 건립하였다는 결론에 도달하였다. 본고에서 필자는 13층탑으로서의 원각사탑의 의미체계를 온전히 파악하고자 하였다. 이러한 시도는 여말선초 정점에 달한 불탑 문화를 이해할 뿐 아니라, 카니시카대탑에서 기원하고 『대반열반경후분』에 근거하는 동아시아의 13층탑을 연구하는 데 한국적 연구모델로서 기여하리라 기대된다.

• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.135-148
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• 2010

阿拉伯人联合抵制丹麦产品, 澳大利亚人联合抵制法国产品, 而中国人厌恶日本产品, 这些是国家间的敌对行为影响消费行为的案例. 敌意文献中已考查过消费者对其他国家敌对行为的反应, 以及这种敌意如何影响消费者对敌对国家产品的态度和倾向. 例如, 中国消费者不愿购买日本产品, 是由于日本人在第二次世界大战中的暴行, 以及不平等的经济往来(Klein, Ettenson and Morris 1998). 然而在市场营销文献中, 却没有考查过那些对他国实施敌对行为的国家消费者的反应, 这些敌对行为是否会影响他们购买受害国产品的态度. 社会心理学文献认为, 消费者面对这样的敌对行为时, 会产生一种集体犯罪感. 集体犯罪感源于当组织成员认为组织要对伤害其他组织的行为负责时所产生的痛苦感(Branscombe, Slugoski, and Kappenn 2004). 案例包括美国人由于美军在Abu Ghraib监狱的暴行而产生犯罪感(Iyer, Schamder and Lickel 2007), 荷兰由于过去对印度尼西亚的占领而产生犯罪感(Doosje et al. 1998). 本研究的主要目的是考查当国家成员对他国有敌对行为时消费者的感知, 这种感知是否会影响他们对敌对国家产品的态度. 更准确的说, 本研究的目标之一是考查集体犯罪感的感知前提, 以及当国家成员对他国有敌对行为时, 人们的情绪反应. 另一个目标是考查集体犯罪感如何影响消费者对敌对国产品的感知和倾向. 如果集体犯罪感能起到明显的预言作用, 敌对国双方的公司可能会从这类不幸的事件中受益. 本研究利用了由Klein, Ettenson and Morris (1998)提出并经Klein (2002)发展的敌意模式. Klein发现美国消费者对日本人怀有敌意, 起因是二战期间的事件(如日军偷袭珍珠港)和近年来日本的经济威胁. 因此本研究认为, 二战间的事件(如广岛长崎的原子弹爆炸)可能导致美国消费者的集体犯罪感. 曾有过一系列的三个假设, 第一个假设关于集体犯罪感的前提. 之前有研究认为当消费者感知到侵害造成的非法伤害, 并且认为侵犯者来自的国家应为此负责, 集体犯罪感就产生了(Wohl, Branscombe, and Klar 2006). 因此提出下列假设: 假设1a: 感知到的伤害非法性越高, 集体犯罪感越强烈. 假设1b: 责任越大, 集体犯罪感也肯定越强烈. 第二个和第三个假设关于集体犯罪感对倾向日本产品的影响. Klein (2002)发现对日本的敌意越强, 相比较韩国产品对日本产品的倾向越小, 但相比较美国产品对日本产品的倾向并未变小. 这些结果说明集体犯罪感存在时, 消费者在购买日本产品和韩国产品时会更倾向于前者, 但在购买日本产品和美国产品时并未受影响. 假设2: 集体犯罪感与购买日本产品的倾向大于韩国产品有关, 但与购买日本产品的倾向大于美国产品无关. 假设3: 集体犯罪感与购买日本产品的倾向大于韩国产品有关, 并且对产品的判断和敌意保持不变. 有过一个实验测试这个假设. 使被调查者面临发生在二战中的敌对事件, 从而产生非法伤害和责任. 该实验由一家美国的消费者调查小组收集数据, 将调查对象随机分配到低等级责任和违法情况(n=259)或高等级责任和违法情况(n=268). 测试假设关系时, 运用到潜在变量结构方程模式(LVSEM). 第一个假设得到了支持, 美国人因二战中对日本人的伤害而产生的伤害非法性和责任都对集体犯罪感有积极影响. 第二个假设也得到了支持, 集体犯罪感与购买日本产品的倾向大于韩国产品有关, 但与购买日本产品的倾向大于美国产品无关. 最后, 第三个假设也得到了支持, 集体犯罪感与购买日本产品的倾向大于韩国产品有关, 同时还影响人们对日本产品的判断和敌意. 由这些研究的结果可得出结论. 第一, 伤害的非法性和责任是集体犯罪感的前提. 第二, 当消费者面临来自敌对行为目标国家的产品和其他外国产品之间的选择时, 会受到集体犯罪感的影响. 但当他们面临来自敌对行为目标国家的产品和本国产品时, 不受集体犯罪感的影响. 这一结果意味着当竞争对手来自国外时, 利用集体犯罪感对那些受到敌对行为的国家的公司是可行的, 但当竞争对手来自国内时则不可行.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제35권2호
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

한국 전통 연지의 시원으로 평가되는 궁남지는 "삼국사기"에 나타난 무왕의 연지 축조 기록, 사비왕궁으로 추정되는 관북리 유적 및 화지산 이궁지 남쪽에 위치한 지리적 정황에 의해 궁남지로 비정되는 한편 사적으로 지정 복원되었다. 본 연구는 궁남지의 복원정비 과정에 나타난 진정성 왜곡과 전통의 발명에 초점을 맞추어 고찰되었으며, 연구의 요약된 결론은 다음과 같다. 1. 마래방죽[마천지]으로 불려왔던 궁남지는 일제 강점기 때만 해도 3만여 평의 광대한 자연 저습지의 상태로 존재했다. 궁남지 복원에 주도적인 역할을 했던 홍사준은 1940년대만 해도 마래방죽에 백제시대 궁남지 유적으로 추정되는 섬과 석축시설이 남아있었고 그 위에 전각 및 정원을 조성한 흔적이 발견되었다고 전했다. 또한 화지산 이궁터의 조사 후 서동설화와 연관시켜 마래방죽을 궁남지와 동일시하는 의견을 피력하였는데, 이는 궁남지 복원정비의 이론적 근거로 작용하였다. 특히 홍사준이 제시한 스케치 도면 및 부여도엽에서 마래방죽의 형태와 규모를 엿볼 수 있었는데, 이러한 방죽의 형태는 일제 강점기에 촬영된 사진 속 상황과 근사한 것으로 판단된다. 2. 궁남지의 축소정비는 1960년대 추진된 경지정리사업에 의해 농경지로 불하되고 남은 잔여의 면적이 수습된 결과였다. 1965~67년에 있었던 최초 복원공사 이래 수차례 시행된 궁남지 정비를 통해 드러난 문제는 고고학적 사실에 근거하지 않은 채 후대의 시각으로 추정복원 되면서 경복궁 향원지의 구성을 그대로 복제한 데 기인한다. 구체적으로, 연못 안에 섬과 정자를 놓고 교량으로 섬과 육지를 연결시키는 구성은 궁남지가 경복궁 향원정을 모델로 만들어졌음을 방증해 준다. 하지만 교량설계에 참조된 취향교 조차도 조선시대의 형식으로 보기 어려운바 당시의 잘못된 복원설계의 동기와 발상이 궁남지의 가치를 크게 저하시켰다고 판단된다. 이처럼 전통조경의 소재로서 이미 널리 알려진 디자인 전범을 그대로 모방한 것은 경복궁이 갖는 미적 표상과 기호를 지향한 것으로서, 궁남지가 그와 유사한 장소 권위를 획득하도록 의도된 것이었다. 3. 궁남지는 애초부터 진정성이 결여된 채 정비된 사적이었기 때문에 정비 과정에서 경관의 왜곡과 전통성의 남용을 통해 유적의 역사적 맥락이 과감히 표방되어 갔다. 이러한 역사 재료의 무비판적인 활용과 왜곡을 불사한 정비방식은 1960~70년대 박정희 체제에 의해 주도된 민족주의 문화정책과 맞닿아 있다. '만들어진 전통담론'의 맥락에서, 박정희 시기의 문화정책은 국민의 기억에서 이상화된 과거를 취사선택하여 그것을 가시적으로 부각시키는 방향으로 전개되었다. 그 결과, 이전의 유적을 보수하는 수준을 넘어서서 화려하고 웅장한 모습이 부각된 사적지가 전국 곳곳에 생겨나게 되었는데, 궁남지가 초기에 순수한 보존의식으로 축소되어 정비되었음에도 불구하고 점차 본래 공간과는 상관없는 새로운 건조물들이 들어서고 기형적으로 확장 정비되어 갔던 사실은 그러한 국가주도 문화정책의 영향이 컸다고 판단된다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.101-124
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• 2018

최근 다양한 분야에서 새로운 기술이 출현하고 있으며, 이들 대부분은 기존 기술들의 융합(Convergence)을 통해 형성되고 있다. 또한 가까운 미래에 출현하게 될 유망한 융합 기술을 예측함으로써 변화하는 기술 지형에 선제적으로 대응하기 위한 수요가 꾸준히 증가하고 있으며, 이러한 수요에 부응하여 많은 기관과 연구자들은 미래 유망 융합 기술 예측을 위한 분석을 수행하고 있다. 하지만 이와 관련한 기존의 많은 연구들은 (i) 고정된 기술 분류 기준을 분석에 사용함으로써 기술 분야의 동적 변화를 반영하지 못했다는 점, (ii) 예측 모형 수립 과정에서 주로 범용성 네트워크 지표를 사용함으로써 기술의 융합이라는 목적에 부합하는 고유 특성을 활용하지 못했다는 점, 그리고 (iii) 유망 분야 예측 모형의 정확성 평가를 위한 객관적 방법을 제시하지 못했다는 점 등에서 한계를 갖고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 (i) 토픽 모델링을 통해 기존의 고정된 분류 기준이 아닌 실제 기술시장의 동적 변화에 따른 새로운 기술군을 도출하고, (ii) 기술 성숙도 및 기술군 간 의존 관계에 따라 각 기술군의 융합적 특성을 반영하는 잠재 성장 중심성(Potential Growth Centrality) 지표를 산출하였으며, (iii) 잠재 성장 중심성에 근거하여 예측한 유망 기술의 성숙도 증가량을 시기별로 측정하여 예측 모형의 정확도를 평가하는 방안을 제시한다. 이와 더불어 제안 방법론의 성능 및 실무 적용 가능성의 평가를 위해 특허 문서 13, 477건에 대한 실험을 수행하였으며, 실험 결과 제안한 잠재 성장 중심성에 따른 예측 모형이 단순히 현재 활용되는 영향도 기반의 예측 모형에 비해 최대 약 2.88배 높은 예측 정확도를 보임을 확인하였다.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제40권3호
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

본 연구는 문헌연구와 옛지도 및 항공사진의 분석, 현장 관찰과 드론 사진 촬영과 고저측량 그리고 주민인터뷰를 통해 익산시 금마면 신용리 황각동에 소재한 '유상곡수(流觴曲水)' 암각서 유적의 입지성과 장소성을 추적하여 이곳에서의 유상곡수 수계(修禊) 등의 향유 가능성을 타진함으로써, 이곳의 장소성을 분명히 함으로써 국내 유상곡수로 정원 유적의 조명과 보존을 목적으로 시도되었다. 본 연구의 결론은 다음과 같다. 유상곡수 유적이 존재하는 황각동 일대는 여러 문헌에서 익산에서 가장 아름다운 가경(佳景)으로 손꼽혀왔다. 황각동의 유래는 의정부(議政府)의 별칭과 밀접하게 관련된 것으로 판단된다. 즉 좌찬성(左贊成)을 역임한 양곡(陽谷) 소세양(蘇世讓)과의 관련성에 주목하였는데 특히 그의 태생지와 인접하고 있을 뿐 아니라 별서인 태허정(太虛亭), 은거당인 퇴휴당(退休堂)과 묘소 그리고 사후 배향 서원 등이 인근에 다수 분포한 점을 그 근거로 제시하였다. 밭일 후 바위에 호미를 걸어 놓는 넓은 바위인 하서대(荷鋤臺)는 중국과 한국의 한시의 용례로 볼 때 한가로운 전원생활과 유유자적하게 살아가는 소박하고 은자적인 삶을 표현한 것으로 보인다. 본 유적의 핵심이 되는 '유상곡수' 바위글씨가 있는 수석바위 상부의 암혈(巖穴)은 수계를 지원하기 위한 차일공(遮日孔)으로 파악되며 인근의 일간정과 모정은 유상곡수를 지원하기 위한 공간 기능을 수행했을 것으로 보인다. 등잔바위 전면에 새겨진 '황각동(黃閣洞)'바위글씨는 황각동천(黃閣洞天)에 이르는 관문으로, 향촌에 존재하는 이상세계를 관념화한 표식으로 파악하였다. 본 연구를 통해서 '황각동'과 '하서대' 바위글씨는 대한제국 광무(光武) 5년인 1901년 3월 29일에 익산군수 오횡묵과 지인인 김인길(金寅吉)이 새긴 것으로 확인되었다. 또한 이봉구의 「황각동운(黃閣洞韻)」과 양곡의 후손인 소진덕의 「황각동시회(黃閣洞詩會)」란 시제로 볼 때 황각동에서 곡수연과 관련되었을 것으로 추정되는 시사 모임이 최소한 일제강점기 초기까지도 행해졌음을 유추할 수 있다. 한편 현재 곡수로의 최대폭은 11.3m, 횡단구배는 15.04%로 계상되었으며 곡수로로 추정되는 수로 구간의 연장거리는 약 27.6m, 종단구배는 3.51%로 측정되었으나 현재 양안이 석축으로 처리된 점을 감안한다면 곡수로의 폭원과 연장거리는 훨씬 길었을 것으로 추정된다. 황각동 유상곡수 유적과 관련된 봄(삼월삼짇날) 모춘(暮春) 이용, 음주와 시 짓기, 시제 「황각동시회」, 유상곡수 바위글씨 그리고 인근 유상정으로 추정되는 일간정이라는 정자의 존재 등으로 볼 때 최소한 조선 말기까지 유상곡수연이 펼쳐진 공간이었음이 확인된다. 아쉽게도 '유상곡수'바위글씨에 대한 암각 주체와 조선 말기 이전의 향유자 등에 대해서는 자료 부족으로 확인하지 못함은 연구 한계로 남는다. 이는 향후 이에 대한 꾸준한 자료 발굴 노력을 통해 구명해야 할 부분이다.