• Title/Summary/Keyword: Shrine

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A Study on the Origin and Form of Pagodas in Myanmar (미얀마 불탑의 기원과 형식 유래에 대한 고찰)

  • Cheon, Deuk-Youm;Yeom, Seung Hoon
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.63-78
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    • 2018
  • Pagodas in Myanmar can be largely divided into Zedi and Pato. Zedi is a developed form of the early domed pagodas in India and Sri Lanka, which can be found in the introduction of Buddhism in Myanmar and the comparison of early pagodas in India, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. On the other hand, Pato is where statues of Buddha were enshrined, which is why many scholars referred to it as a temple. However, this study proposes that Pato shall be referred to as a temple-style pagoda in a form unique to Myanmar, based on the origin of Pato, definition of pagodas, and Sarira Enrichment Record of Pato. Moreover, it seems more appropriate to name this type of structure Stupa Temple(塔殿) or Stupa Shrine(塔堂) rather than a Buddhist temple(佛殿) or Buddhist shrine(佛堂) for clear distinction. Pato, or temple-style pagodas, has a ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure at the center like Ananda Pato upon entering the Pagan (Bagan) kingdom period, on which Zedi-style structures are built. As a result of examining the integration of various Buddhist schools and religions focused on Theravada during the period of King Anawrahta and King Kyanzittha, the ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure is a symbolic representation of the fact that Theravada embraced Hinduism. The common features shared by pagodas in Myanmar are the centrality of place and the verticality of $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ (looking up to the sky) in terms of shape. All temples are placed at the most important and central space, and their forms represent strong religious $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ and verticality. These are the features that stand out most among various pagodas in Buddhist countries.

A Study on the Chinese Palace System and the Palace Structure of Choson Dynasty (중국의 궁실제도와 조선시대 궁궐의 영역분할에 관한 연구)

  • 김영모
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.25-38
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    • 2000
  • The research follows several steps. First, the chinese 'WangSung' and 'KungSi' System are verified positively. Next, the structure of palace in Choson Dynasty is deduced based on those chinese systems. Finally, the common system that is also applied in other government-operated spaces is found. The result can be summarized as follows. It is clarified from reviewing the chinese 'WangSung' and 'KungSil' Systems that the 'OyoiCho' is located in 'WhangSung(the imperial city) but out of' KungSung(the palace). Therefore, the research points out that all sort of theories explaining the 'OyoiCho' of Choson Dynasty is a space of 'in-place' are false. The palace system of Choson dynasty seeks the substantiality grounded on the substantial function of 'SamCho(three spaces)' rather than its strict principle dividing main spaces by several doors-'KungMoon' Moreover, it is also certified that the 'ChonChoHooChim' system, literally the political court is located at the front and the private section is at the other(back) side, is directly applied on the palace of Choson Dynasty. This idea has been developed into 'inner and outer' concept and repressed in palace as the 'OyoiChon(outer palace) and NaeChon(inner palace)' concept. conclusion, the research suggests that the dual concept in space such as 'ChonHoo(front and back) and 'NaeOyoi(inner and outer)' basically comes from 'Eum Yang' theory and influences in building other government-operated spaces: for example 'ChongMyo(the royal ancestors shrine)', 'SoWon(a private school of Choson dynasty), 'HyangKyo(a local school annexed to the Confucian shrine)' and 'KwanAh(a governmet agency)'

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A Spatial Using Aspect of Bulcheonwi Rites in Each Family Clan Group of Andong Area (안동지역 동성문중의 불천위제례 공간활용의 양상)

  • Lee, Sang-Min;Cho, Jae-Mo
    • Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.53-62
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    • 2018
  • Bulcheonwi is determined by various ways. The first is certified by the state. Kings granted posthumous names to figures such as meritorious retainers, figures whose mortuary tablets were put into Jongmyo Shrine, and venerated figures with erudition and virtue whose mortuary tablets were put into Munmyo (Korean primary Confucian shrine The purpose of this study is to understand the spatial perception of Main head families (大宗家) and Sub head families (小宗家) have been divided for several centuries. This study was conducted under the assumption that it was possible to understand the mutual influence and relationship between perception and space by examining how methods for ritual ceremonies held in Main head families were conducted in different spaces of Sub head families or the process of ritual ceremonies changed with space. Bulcheonwi rites was performed by each family's own concepts of spaces such as Jeongchim or Cheongsa For actual ritual space, An-chae, Sarang-Chae and Byeoldang was utilized. This shows that one family's conception and utilization of each space was correspondent also different family s had their own idea of utilizing different spaces. In addition depends on the family in this study, there was differences on positon of Sa-dang upon the regions or time of construction. This can be concluded as familes had their own accommodations depends on building's space layout and traditons rather than following traditional Rites book's the rules of decorum.

The structure of the Japanese religious mind: Some observations taken from research surveys on the religious attitudes of college students (일본인의 종교심의 구조 - 학생들의 의식조사에서 알 수 있는 것 -)

  • 井上順孝;佐佐充昭
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.18
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    • pp.149-164
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    • 2004
  • Various social surveys conducted by mass media and government agencies in recent years in Japan suggest that the percentage of those who believe in religion are between twenty and thirty percent. However, more than seventy percent of Japanese visit Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples during the New year period. Although there are varying interpretations on whether Japanese people are religious or not, detailed research shows the existence of certain religious tendencies among Japanese. I base my estimates on research surveys of college students covering a period of almost ten years. It is helpful for understanding the religiosity of the Japanese to differentiate between "clear-cut religion" and "peripheral religious phenomena." The exact boundary between these two categories, however, is difficult to clearly demarcate. "Clear-cut religion" refers here phenomena which are directly related to established religious organizations such as shrine Shinto, Buddhist sects, or Christianity. "Peripheral religious phenomena" covers such phenomena as fortune telling, mystical phenomena, religious customs and similar matters. It is often said that the younger generations are less concerned with religion. Our seven surveys questioning several thousand college students, conducted between 1995 and 2001, show that only between six and seven percent of the students state that they believe in religion. Additionally, the extent of negative attitudes toward religion quite remarkable. On the other hand, students who take part in conventional ritual such as a New year's visit to a shrine or temple and visiting the graves of ancestors amount to about fifty percentage. In spite of the prevailing negative attitude toward religious groups, these students have apparently kept a certain level of interest in religious customs. Moreover, they show a relatively strong interest in fortune telling, mystical phenomena, or supernatural phenomena. The exact degree of a positive attitude toward peripheral religious phenomena differs according to the level of being informed on these matters. As a whole, they largely rely on information gained from their families and local communities. Therefore, we can conclude that there is a degree of transmission of religious culture among younger generations.

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A Study on the Architectural History and the Process of Transformation of the ILDU Historic House (일두고택의 건축 내력과 변천에 관한 연구)

  • Joung, In-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.25-35
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    • 2023
  • According to this study, it is estimated that the ILDU historic house was constructed around the late Goryeo period, approximately in the year 1360, and the founder moved to Hamyang no earlier than 1350. The main house, the inner store-house, the inner gatehouse, and the ancestral shrine, which are situated on elevated ground, were initially constructed around 1360, and substantial expansions and renovations occurred around 1620. The shrine was relocated and reconstructed in its present location and form around 1843. Subsequent to that period, it underwent various architectural changes, including repairs and reconstructions. The sub-main house was originally constructed around 1620 and underwent a reconstruction in 1843. The main storehouse was built in 1930. Also, the man's part of house, located on lower ground, was erected in 1843, while the other sub-main house seems to constructed around 1860. The auxiliary buildings, the main gatehouse and the outer storehouse, were initially constructed around 1360. It is estimated that they were similarly relocated and reconstructed in their current form, along with the construction of the man's part of house in 1843. It has undergone a four-stage transformation process, influenced by various internal and external factors, including the local indigenization of the ILDU families of the same clan, as well as the popularization of Confucian ideology. These four stages include its formative period, growth phase, developmental stage, and maturity. It actively incorporated the contemporary factors of change into its residential architecture. This continuous adaptation is evident in its the space and floor plan, ultimately leading to its present-day architectural legacy.

Perspectives on the Characteristics and Meanings as of a Traditional Ecological Landscape as Dangsan Forest and Dangsan Ritual Place in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun (완도군 서성리 당산숲.당산제 공간의 전통생태경관적 특성 및 의미 고찰)

  • Choi, Jai-Ung;Kim, Dong-Yeob;Kim, Mi-Heui;Jo, Lock-Whan
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.135-145
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    • 2012
  • Traditional village forests called Dangsan forests and Bibo forests in Korea represent an unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years. Feng-shui forest in China, Satoyama and Shinto shrine forest in Japan are recognized internationally as 'traditional ecological landscapes'. Dangsan forests and Bibo forests have been preserved through generations in the villages, and are no less valuable than Feng-shui forest, and Satoyama. However, the names of Dangsan forest and Bibo forest have not been well recognized worldwide. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun is located on a mountain slope at a riparian forest. It consists of an evergreen broadleaf forest and Carpinus laxiflora forest. The characteristics of Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri could be found at 10 sacrifice offering places. Two Dangsan trees on the coastal area are included in the sacrifice offering places. Cultural heritage can retain their value when they are fully sustained. Additional construction, demolition or modification should be banned. Furthermore, all means must be taken to facilitate the preservation of monuments and the value and meanings pertaining to them should not be distorted. In a respect of authenticity, Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun seems to have original Dangsan culture based on animism with a philosophic background, where a religious service for the mountain god is held at rock of mountain god, and Dangsan ritual is held at shrine on January 8 at 4:00 am by lunar calendar. Relating to the conservation and management of cultural heritage in international discussion, the importance is that whether there is sustainability on the right to the enjoyment of cultural heritage. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri is leaved alone to the public. The forest need a social mechanism to support the recovery of deformed shrine and to heighten public awareness of Dangsan forest in order to claim the value as a unique traditional ecological landscape in Korea.

The discovery of the 'traditional dance' of modern Japan - mainly on Urayasu-no-mai Dance - (일본 근대 '전통춤'의 발견 - 우라야스무(浦安の舞)를 중심으로 -)

  • Nam, Sung-Ho
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.33
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    • pp.243-271
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    • 2016
  • When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

Matsuri and Shinsen : Centering on the Rites of Ise Shrine and Emperor (마쓰리(祭)와 신찬(神饌): 이세신궁과 천황의 제사를 중심으로)

  • Park, Kyutae
    • The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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    • no.32
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    • pp.13-54
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    • 2017
  • The Ise Grand Shrine(伊勢神宮) dedicated to the sun goddess Amaterasu (天照大神), located in the city of Ise(伊勢市), Mie Prefecture of Japan, is a center of Japanese Shinto Shrines and composed of a large number of Shinto shrines centered on two main shrines, Naiku(內宮=皇大神宮) and Geku(外宮= 豊受大神宮). Historically it has kept very close relationship with Emperor, because its enshrined deity Amaterasu is generally said to be the ancestor of Imperial Family. The food and alcohol offering to the gods in Japanese Shinto rites are called Shinsen(神饌, ambrosia). Main subjects of this essay dealing with Shinsen are the various matsuri (rites) of Ise Grand Shrine and Emperor, such as Higoto-asayu-omike-sai(日別朝夕大御饌祭, offering repasts to the gods in the moring and evening everyday), Kan-name-sai(神嘗祭, offering of the year's new rice harvest), Shikinen-sengu-sai(式年遷宮祭, year of the ceremony), Nii-name-sai(新嘗祭, Ceremonial offering by the Emperor of newly-harvested rice to the gods), and Daijo-sai(大嘗祭, first ceremonial offering of rice by newly-enthroned Emperor). Then, the purpose of this essay is to examine not only the social, religious, and political but also cultural meaning of Shinsen especially in relation to Korea, basically introducing some types and characteristics of Shinsen with its mythological background and historical development. In so doing, I will show the concrete list of items and processes of Shinsen in those rites. For example, the social meaning of Shinsen might be examined in association with agricultural features, ancient dietary life, Japanese food, and its contemporary context etc. Besides, its religious meaning can be mentioned especially from the perspective of divine nature, life and rebirth etc. On the other hand, the politics was in ancient Japan originally called Matsurigoto which means the ancestral rites for gods. This suggests the political meaning of Shinsen that the politics in Japan has originated from Shinsen.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

A Study on the Usage of Hwabangbyeok wall in Traditional Architecture in Joeson Dynasty (조선시대 전통건축에서의 화방벽(火防壁) 사용에 대한 연구)

  • Jo, Sang-Sun
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.7-14
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    • 2020
  • It can be meaningful that this study attempted to analyze the use cases and forms based on the literature on the painting walls of the J oseon Dynasty, and attempted basic research to prevent disaster damage using traditional elements. This study summarizes the use of the Hwabangbyeok wall of J oseon Dynasty as follows. First, Hwabangbyeok wall was used from the early J oseon Dynasty and was adopted by palaces and other major state facilities to cope with fire and theft. Second, the Hwabangbyeok Wall was also referred to as the wall below the lower part of the wall, and was constructed with the purpose of preventing disasters from outside. Third, in an analysis of the Daeseongjeon shrine of Hyanggyo, many construction cases were identified mainly in the Gyeonggi area, which is assumed to be based on production and construction conditions along with local climatic factors. Fourth, it can be said that the Hwabangbyeok wall was basically adopted to prevent comprehensive disaster risk reduction in case of external intrusion and fire.