• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.56-77
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• 2021

Toponyms are located not only in the site between human cognition and the physical environment but also in the name of cultural heritage. Accordingly, certain identities and ideologies for which human groups and community have sought, their holistic way of life, and all cultural symbols and cosmos, such as sense of place and genius loci, are included in their toponymic heritage. Denoting, symbolizing, integrating and representing the culture and nature belong to the human community. Based on these perceptions of the toponymic heritage, the aims of this article are to examine the values of a toponym as an Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) and to suggest the application methods using the toponymic functions for governing of tangible cultural heritage. This article discusses the multivocality, diversity, and non-representational theory of landscape phenomenology intrinsic to the terms of culture and cultural landscape and then the domestic and international issues on the toponymic heritage in the first chapter on the values of toponym as a part of the ICH. In particular, it analyzes the preceding research in the field of toponymy, as well as the Resolutions of UNCSGN and UNGEGN on "Geographical names as culture, heritage and identity" including indigenous, minority and regional language names since 1992, which is related to the UNESCO's Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003. Based on this, I suggest that the traits of toponymic cultural heritage and its five standards of selection, i.e., cultural traits of toponyms, historical traits, spatial traits, socio-economic traits and linguistic traits with some examples. In the second chapter discussing on the methods using the toponymic denoting functions for creating and governing of the tangible cultural heritage, it is underlined to maintain the systematic and unified principle regarding the ways of naming in the official cultural heritage and its governing. Lastly, I introduce the possible ways of establishing a conservative area of the historical and cultural environment while using the toponymic scale and multi-toponymic territory. Considering both the spatial and participatory turns in the field of heritage studies in addition to the multiple viewpoints and sense of cultural heritage, I suggest that the conservative area for the cultural heritage and the historical and cultural environment should be set up through choosing the certain toponymic scale and multi-toponymic territory.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-11
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• 2021

Lately, the Korean Government has gradually expanded participation by local residents who are users of the area in the smart city project for the construction of region specialization smart city service (hereinafter called "Smart Service") and the enhancement in the citizen's awareness. However, due to the lack of information on smart service-related technology, there has been a limitation in getting the specific opinion of citizens in the process of designing the Smart Service. In this study, reports made by 4 four local governments which were selected for implementation of 2019 "Smart Town Challenge Projects" were reviewed to diagnose the actualization level of the smart service suggested by citizens through the living lab. The analysis results show that though the smart service plan was established by using diverse design thinking methodology through the living lab, there was a limitation in having citizens design the specific functions of the smart service. So, this study suggests the function issue card technique which can be used by modulating and freely combining four elements such as information collection, processing, supplying method and technique of the smart service and the service contents. This function issue card technique was directly applied to the living lab of the smart city project to verify its effectiveness. It was found that through this technique, citizens can combine the functions and contents of the smart service to materialize smart services at the level of detailed functions. The function issue card technique suggested in this study is expected to contribute to the actualization of opinions for the role of citizens as co-creators in solving local problems in the citizen participation type smart city plan in the future, thus helping the design of the regional specialization smart service.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.701-711
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• 2020

Purpose: In this study, the risk of flammability of a liquid mixture was experimentally confirmed because the purpose of this study was to confirm the increase or decrease of the flammability risk in a mixture of two substances (combustible+combustible) and to present the risk of the mixture. Method: Flash point test method and result processing were tested based on KS M 2010-2008, a tag sealing test method used as a flash point test method for crude oil and petroleum products. The manufacturer of the equipment used in this experiment was Japan's TANAKA. The flash point was measured with a test equipment that satisfies the test standards of KS M 2010 with equipment produced by the company, and LP gas was used as the ignition source and water as the cooling water. In addition, when measuring the flash point, the temperature of the cooling water was tested using cooling water of about 2℃. Results: First of all, in the case of flammable + combustible mixtures, there was little change in flash point if the flash point difference between the two substances was not large, and if the flash point difference between the two substances was low, the flash point tended to increase as the number of substances with high flash point increased. However, in the case of toluene and methanol, the flash point of the mixture was lower than that of the material with a lower flash point. Also, in the case of a paint thinner, it was not easy to predict the flash point of the material because it was composed of a mixture, but as a result of experimental measurement, it was measured between -24℃ and 7℃. Conclusion: The results of this study are to determine the risk of mixtures through experimental studies on flammable mixtures for the purpose of securing the effectiveness of the details of the criteria for determining dangerous goods in the existing dangerous goods safety management method and securing the reliability and reproducibility of the determination of dangerous goods Criteria have been presented, and reference data on experimental criteria for flammable liquids that are regulated in firefighting sites can be provided. In addition, if this study accumulates know-how on differences in test methods, it is expected that it can be used as a basis for research on risk assessment of dangerous goods and as a basis for research on dangerous goods determination.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.28-37
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• 2011

In this study, the series-poem, Bihaedangsasippalyoung(48 poems for beautiful scene of Bihaedang), written by scholars of Jiphyonjeon for Bihaedang garden of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince Anpyung, 1416-1453), was analyzed focusing on scenery lexeme to interpret the meaning of scenery and gardening culture of Sadaebu(noblemen) during the first term of Chosun Dynasty. The study result is as followings. First, the subtitle of Sasippalyoung(48 poems) written by Anpyung-Daegun while he grew Bihaedang garden on the foot of Inwang Mountain showed repetitive nomativity comparing joining of yin and yang, such as life and form of animal and plan, time and space, meaning and symbolism, etc. Among scenery lexemes, 38 are represented plant and flowers, and 8 are represented gardening ornaments and animals. Second, the names of gardens were expressed as Wonrim, Jongje, Imchon(Trees and Ponds), or Hwawon(Flower garden), or also presented as Gongjeong(Empty garden), Manwon(Full garden), Jungjeong(Middle garden), Huwon(Backyard), Wonrak(Inner court), or Byulwon(Seperated garden) depending on density and location. In addition, there were pavilions and ponds, stepping stones and stairs, a pergola, a flat bench, flowerpots, an artificial hill, oddly shaped stones, wells, aviary, flower beds, or hedges. A gardener was called Sahwa(flower keeper), planting and gardening of garden trees were called Jaebae(cultivation), a pond island was called Boogoo(floating hill), and miniature landscapes were called Chukjee(reduced land). Third, willows were planted on the outdoor yard, and plum trees were planted in front of the library, which led to bamboo woods road. Peony, camellia, tree peony and crepe myrtle were planted on the inner court with mossy rocks, small artificial hills, glass rocks, flower pots. There were rectangular ponds, while breeding deer, dove, rooster, and cranes. Fourth, landscape elements were enjoyed as metaphysical symbolic landscape by anthropomorphism, such as (1) gentlemen and loyalty, (2) wealth and prosperity, (3) Taoist hermit and poetical life, (4) reclusion and seclusion, (5) filial piety, virtue, introspection, etc. In other words, the garden presented a variety of gardening culture appreciating meaningful landscape, such as investigation of things, reclusion and seclusion, and building orientation of a fairyland yearning eternal youth and Mureungdowon(Taoist Arcadia) by making a garden blending beautiful flowers and trees, with precious birds and animals. Fifth, there were many landscape appreciation schemes, such as Angkyung(looking-up), Bukyung(looking-down), Jeokyung(looking-under), Chakyung(bringing outer space into inside), Yookyung(flower viewing), Yojeong(walking around the garden enjoying flowers), Hwasaekhyangbyuk(flower gardening), and Garden appreciation enjoying landscape through time and seasons with different inspirations.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

This study has been examined characteristics of Yeoju Lee family, rich group at Miryang in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, around Geumsidang(今是堂) Lee Gwang-jin remains as a cultural landscape appeared in pictures, poetry, and a strange story. Geumsidang Lee Gwang-jin returned to his old home abandoned the middle government post after the death of Moonjeong queen in socially confused stage and tried to manage an annex to a Geumsidang located in Baekgok of Eungchun riverside, and Geumsidang he managed was affected by his teacher and uncle Wolyoun Lee Tae of a view of nature, filial behavior, and nature management etc. Also, 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' is landscape painting with the actual view not like the '8 landscapes of So-Sang' or '8 landscapes of Sa-Si' which is abstract landscape and Lee Gyeong-hong drew 12 landscapes of Geumsidang that includes Angbong(鶯峰: nightingale peak), Yongdu mountain(龍頭山), Mubong Buddhist temple(舞鳳寺), Maam mountain(馬巖山), Wolyeon-dae(月淵臺), Saindang village(舍人堂村), Youngnam-ru(嶺南樓), Miryang eubseong(密陽邑城), Eyeonso(梨淵沼: pear tree deep water), Yullim(栗林: chestnut tree forest), Miryang river(密陽江), Sammundong fields(沙門野), land and government office owned by Yeoju Lee family as landscape objects. 'Poems of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' by Lee Yong-gu 11th sons of Lee Gwang-jin was written based on 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang', and sang for time, season, and changes of the weather. All 12 poems are all a quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line consisted of all 28 words, but does not match completely with shown elements in pictures because it is not a simple description of pictures but it is recreated by writer's personality. Therefore these painting shows not only th meaning of filial behavior but also village owned by Yeoju Lee family rich group in Miryang, and these poem recreated the pictures by changing as certain scenic spot with the object of enforcing territory of Yeoju Lee family.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.355-382
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• 2017

In this study, pieces of statements of sinawi successors, which served the ground of sinawi theory of Lee(that are found only in reports and theses) were searched from notebooks or cassette tapes of Lee. Then, this study tried to trace the process that the theory of sinawi was established based on the fieldwork of sinawi and relevant data, and to shed light on the significance. With the understanding from the early days that life of minsokak can be found in musical scenes in the region, Lee wandered around the scenes of minsokak(folk music) in the nation, recorded minsokak, and collected dialogues with successors of minsokak with about 2,000 cassette tapes and 300 notebooks. Especially, in the fieldwork data on sinawi that Lee possesses contain dialogues with the newly found sinawi successors that Lee found in the scene of sinawi in Gyeonggido province, Jeollado province, and Gyeongsangdo province over numerous visits for over 20 years from the early 1970s. Sometimes the record includes improvised sinawi performance. As the fieldwork of sinawi by Lee was conducted comparatively early, there are a lot of testimonies of successors who remember the sinawi scene of the past. Using these data, Lee published theories related to sinawi on reports and theses. His representative thesis is about 'Sinawi Chung'(1979). After listening to the testimony of Younghee Ji, the master of Gyeonggi haegeum sinawi in his first fieldwork of sinawi, he started his research on sinawi chung of piri, daegeum, and haegeum in Gyeonggido province and Honam area. Based on the testimonies on sinawi chung of 11 sinawi successors, Lee published 'Sinawi Chung'. In 1987, he extended the scope his research to sinawi-kwon(圈), which includes Gyeongnam area, found 12 new sinawi successors in Gyeonggi, Honam, and Gyeongnam areas, and based on their testimonies, complemented the theory of sinawi chung and published it. Fortunately, most of the dialogues with sinawi successors quoted in his reports or theses are recorded in his notebooks or cassette tapes. When these data are released, it is expected that a new theory of sinawi or minsokak will be born.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.441-471
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• 2009

Both in the East and the West, the most classical question in political philosophy was 'what is truly a good life?' 'Good life' and 'good politics' are thus essentially tied together. Mencius (孟子, B.C385-303/302) was not exception to this belief. It is not an exaggeration that his Mencius, the treatise that encapsulates his whole views, begins and ends with good life and good politics. He began with new definitions of good life and politics and the rest elaborates why they are so. This paper attempts to systematically approach to what Mencius thinks as a good life in terms of political thoughts. Confucius, his intellectual mentor, asserted that the most humane human life is a civilized life and it means to realize the value of 'Yin (仁: Grace)' and thus set his good life from previous ones. Mencius concurred that Confucius's explication of the good life was right. Moreover, he argued that to realize this, political practice should follow. The 'good life' for Mencius consists of 1) the life in which the ruler does not monopolize joy but shares it with people, that is '$Y{\breve{o}}mindongrak$(與民同樂)' or '$Y{\breve{o}}minhaerak$(與民偕樂)' and 2) the life, based on this political foundation, that pursues the life of 'Five Ethics (五倫)' in which each individual member of society has its share in it. Mencius discussed about 'Four Virtues (四德)', the essential goodness of human, confirmed by 'Four Clues (四端)' to talk about the possibility of realizing the good life. On the other hand, he devised the political device of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$ (仁政: Gracious Politics)' as a practical tool for it. Furthermore, he asserted 'Good people theory (養民論)' as the first condition for the good politics, '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$' and 'Education of people theory (敎民論)' as the final one. As Mencius inherited Confucius effort for a good life with the theory of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$', the so-called Zhuxi scholars inherited his as 'Sugichiin (修己治人: cultivate yourself and then order society)' after 1500.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.