• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.7-24
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• 2012

The Buddhist cave temple carved into the rock provides a large space for the ritual in general in which a structure of Stupa is built in the center of the space purely for religious worship empty of Sarira, and the temple is formed around this Stupa. Relief-Stupa of the cave temple indicates the similar shape that of Relief-religious worship of flat land temple. However, there appears a small difference in representation since the background of formation of the cave temple differs in that of flat land temple. Specially, Caitya Stupa of currently existing cave temples have been damaged to lose of their original shape only possible to be analyzed the stylistic development through Relief-Stupa from which the characteristic of Stupa could be understood. The early cave temple could be characterized with a balanced structure consists of upturn bowl, steeple stone with simple drum & Hamikawasnagae, in which it appears strongly the detail factor characteristics of drum & steeple of having system with Caitya Stupa. In the post cave temple, the subject of worship moved to statue of Buddha due to the influence of Gandhara, Mathura art which reduced the importance of Stupa. This illustrates in Relief-stupa as well the style change as well as changes in detail factor. The sculpture appeared at the limited location either the wall of Caitya shrine or pillar in vihara cave with stronger decorative meaning. Contrast to the Relief Stupa of early flat land temples or the cave temples mentioned above sculptured with symbolism, however, the post cave temple showed the relief structure based on the plan of flat plan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.49-59
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• 2011

This study is a reinterpretation of characteristics of public space in contemporary cities with a view to liminal space. The conditions of pubic space now cannot be captured through the existing discourses of publicness, and public space. The basic premise of the study is that the idea of liminal space or liminality is useful to grasp the fluid and hybrid attribute of public space in contemporary cities. Liminal space, originally from anthropological studies, is the intermingled stage between two realms and the sustained period of the ritual. The idea has been widely used for various cultural phenomenon and spatial experiences. A literature review on public space and liminal space was carried out. Cases pertaining to public space with a view to liminal space were examined and discussed in detail. Through the careful reading of several public spaces with an angle toward liminal space, the new perspective toward public space will be drawn out. First, we need to emphasize the fluid spectrum of public space rather than the serial stage such as the public, the semi-public, the semi-private, and the private. Second, the idea will contribute to understanding the flexible state depending upon time. What we can learn from case studies is the volatile characteristics in public space as a common phenomenon support its vitality. This interpretation will contribute to the perception of a new horizon of public space. The nature of public space is unpredictable and free. In reality, the spectrum of public space will expand and fluctuate. Ironically, public space can be vitalized through enhancing and activating the private space. The intimate and complicated interface between the two realms is a key issue. The boundary of public space might be redefined to embrace the flexible the fragile nature of changing public space. These research implications will guide the thoughtful design and management of pubic space.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.33-50
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to seek the spatial organization and prototype landscape through literature reviews, historical evidences, and field surveys for Donggwanwangmyo(東關王廟) shrine in Seoul. The results were as follows : First, the basic layout of the main buildings in Donggwanwangmyo which is the remains influenced by China had bilateral symmetry on the central axis between the north and south. Second, the Chinese forms and features were found at Jeong-jeon and middle gate in Donggwanwangmyo, and the symbolic elements of royal authority was also found in each space of Donggwanwangmyo. Third, spatial organization was classified as the entrance and the ritual area, and the entrance area was maintained by administrators and was used as the place of ritual ceremony preparation. Fourth, the original form of Donggwanwangmyo had been damaged due to the project for making urban park in the 1970s. The most of the existing trees and shrubs which are not suitable to the shrine should be removed to recover the original landscape of Donggwanwangmyo and chui-byoung(翠屛), pond, landscape facilities also needed to be restored. Fifth, Donggwanwangmyo needed to reorganize the pious atmosphere to recover of the shrine environment, and needed to be reclassified as historical site. Finally, some criticizes that Donggwanwangmyo is the result of Toadyism, but Donggwanwangmyo can be used as the valuable tourism resource through the awareness that Donggwanwangmyo was built under the situation of Joseon Dynasty, and organization and understanding that Donggwanwangmyo is a symbolic remains for the exchange between Korea and China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.5-34
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to investigate the unique contrasting landscape characteristics of imperial tombs of Qing dynasty by examining the characteristics of facility layout in which location, Feng shui, and siblings are harmonized with the 12 Qing Dynasty Hwanggyeongchim. Through literature surveys, field observation and interviews, videos and drawing comparison, and inductive contrast analysis, the contrasting landscape characteristics of imperial tombs in the Qing Dynasty were analyzed by classifying them into natural environment, location, Feng shui, and formal esthetics. As a result, the characteristics of the location type and the layout plan of the Qing dynasty imperial tombs were derived from the analysis of Feng shui shape, axis extension distance along the midaxial line, the width of the ridge, the formality of the facility layout according to the difference between the height of the starting point and the end point, the leftward direction of the tomb, and the space ratio of the 'entry space' - 'ritual space' - 'burial mound space', etc. In addition, it was possible to derive the facility arrangement characteristics of tombstones through the analysis of the types and the arrangement order of tombs facilities, as well as the distribution, quantity and types of stone figures, while also revealing some contrasting characteristics different from those of the Ming Dynasty. In addition, it was confirmed that the spatial division effect through the water system and the view effect of the view from the midaxial line and the vista are the representative view effect found in the Qing Dynasty imperial tombs along with the density contrast.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.101-109
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• 2012

Traditional village forests in Jeju Island represent unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years as a national cultural asset in Korea. In this paper, the characteristics and meaning of traditional village forests in Jeju Island was compared with the Dangsan and Bibo forests at inland. There are 368 Oreums, parasitic volcano, and 391 shrines of Dang(Divine place) in Jeju. Life, culture and tradition of rural villages are all connected with the Dang and Oreum in Jeju. It has been found from this study that the village in Jeju were established as a cultural landscape on the surface of natural landscape. The features of traditional villages focused on the Dang and Oreum in Jeju Island were similar to the Dangsan and Bibo forestsat inland villages. The Oreum represents mountain and the Pojedan forest is newly found in Sangmyung-ri. The seashore areas are covered by vaocanic rocks in Jeju and large scale windbreaks are hardly found. The stone tower at Sinheung-ri built for blocking sand movement represents Bibo forest. The special attribute of the Dang in Jeju is that it is close to real life and believers are still remain. In 2009, the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut ritual was nominated as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. The shrine of Dang, however, has been degraded fast by construction of seashore road and Jeju Olle trail path. As for the world cultural heritage discussed at international conferences, it is important that there is sustainability on the right to enjoy cultural heritage. Integrated efforts from local residents, local governments and national government are needed to set up a management scheme for the Dang culture. Rural villages in Jeju with the Dang and Oreum are expected to get an international attention as to have traditional cultural landscapes of Korea.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.33-45
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• 2003

This is a study that examines the fashion changes in the 20th century in terms of various subcultures in the period. Starting from defining the concept and the developing process of subculture, this study traces the history of subcultural styles from 1930s to 1990s, focusing on the way each generation resisted the main stream through its styles. This study is intended to provide a theoretical frame on the understanding of subcultural styles, with a close examination of its formative and developing process and characteristics. This study understands subcultural style as a way of deviate or resistant expression within a society. It differentiates itself from the main style by deliberately and publicly asserting its own identity, and, as a result, realizes in the form of fashion its repressed subconsciousness, resistance to the alienation from the society, and deviation from the normative ethics and morality of a society. The four types of subcultural styles presented in chapter 4 are based on their form of resistance, and they are classified and analyzed as follows: The first type is revision, which tries to revise and change the given form by adding new elements. There are two kinds of revision, one is dressing up, which dresses for success, and the other is minimal dressing. Hyperbole is the second type, which resists by emphasizing or hyperbolizing the main stream with its erotic, nihilistic, or dynamic forms. Two kinds of hyperbole are examined, one is hyperbole of masculinity, and the other is ostentatious hyperbole. The third type is reversal and rejection, which reverses the forms from the established sign system into its own secret code, or rejects the traditional taboos. This type include no dressing, and the reversal of sex identity. Isolation and redrawal is the fourth type, which tries to distance itself from the ritual code of the day. This type is divided into dressing of the escape from time, and dressing of the escape from space. The first group of this type is characterized by nostalgia or futurism. An emphasis is given on ethnicity, naturalism, or a closed space within a city in dressing of the escape from space. In conclusion, it can be said that subcultural style puts the foremost importance on individual freedom. Since 1990s, the distinction between the subcultural styles and high fashion gets somewhat blurred, while the liberal, sexual, life stylistic tension between the two groups are heightened.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.47-58
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• 2023

This study was conducted through reviewing Aspects of Design and Construction in Entrance Space of the World Heritage Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty, which is equipped with parking lots, ticket offices, toilets, exhibition halls, information boards, and rest facilities for the convenience of visitors and the purpose of this study was to propose a direction for improvement. The results of the study are as follows: First, the reduced area of Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty was unable to fully accommodate the ritual movement line, and as a result, the location of the entrance space in the current royal tomb was decided to accommodate minimal convenience functions. In the meantime, the entrance space of the royal tombs has been relocated or renovated in order to achieve its integrity as a World Heritage Site, rational arrangement of movement lines and spatial utility. Second, the size of the entrance space ranges from 1,000 square meters in Jeongneung in Seoul to 16,000 square meters in Hongyuneung in Namyangju, and the number of annual users varies greatly from 12,000 in Onneung in Yangju to 410,000 in Seonjeongneung in Seoul. Considering the conditions of the 16 royal tombs, the entrance space should be provided at an appropriate scale, reflecting the surrounding land use and accessibility that affect the influx of users, the size of the site, and the king's awareness and preferences. Third, the location of the parking lot, the presence or absence of an outer courtyard and an internal courtyard bordering the ticket and check offices, and the location of the Historical and Cultural Museum made it possible to know the aspects of entrance space of the Joseon Royal Tombs, where the spatial configuration is determined Fourth, according to the royal tombs, it was found that the entrance space should have essential parking, access control, information, and convenience functions, and that support, exhibition, passage, and recess functions should be optional. At this time, the management office and the Historical and Cultural Center are in charge of support and exhibition functions. The function of passage can be a strategy that provides a sense of entry and the function of recess which has been introduced in only four royal tombs requires an appropriate location and landscape access.