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A Study on the Protection of Personal Information in the Medical Service Act (의료법의 개인정보보호에 관한 연구)

  • Sung, Soo-Yeon
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.75-103
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    • 2020
  • There is a growing voice that medical information should be shared because it can prepare for genetic diseases or cancer by analyzing and utilizing medical information in big data or artificial intelligence to develop medical technology and improve patient care. The utilization and protection of patients' personal information are the same as two sides of the same coin. Medical institutions or medical personnel should take extra caution in handling personal information with high environmental distinct characteristics and sensitivity, which is different from general information processors. In general, the patient's personal information is processed by medical personnel or medical institutions through the processes of collection, creation, and destruction. Still, the use of terms related to personal information in the Medical Service Act is jumbled, or the scope of application is unclear, so it relies on the interpretation of precedents. For the medical personnel or the founder of the medical institution, in the case of infringement of Article 24(4), it cannot be regarded that it means only medical treatment information among personal information, whether or not it should be treated the same as the personal information under Article 23, because the sensitive information of patients is recorded, saved, and stored in electronic medical records. Although the prohibition of information leakage under Article 19 of the Medical Service Act has a revision; 'secret' that was learned in business was revised to 'information', but only the name was changed, and the benefit and protection of the law is the same as the 'secret' of the criminal law, such that the patient's right to self-determination of personal information is not protected. The Privacy Law and the Local Health Act consider the benefit and protection of the law in 'information learned in business' as the right to self-determination of personal information and stipulate the same penalties for personal information infringement such as leakage, forgery, alteration, and damage. The privacy regulations of the Medical Service Act require that the terms be adjusted uniformly because the jumbled use of terms can confuse information subjects, information processors, and shows certain limitations on the protection of personal information because the contents or scope of the regulations of the Medical Service Law for special corporations and the Privacy Law may cause confusion in interpretation. The patient's personal information is sensitive and must be safely protected in its use and processing. Personal information must be processed in accordance with the protection principle of Privacy Law, and the rights such as privacy, freedom, personal rights, and the right to self-determination of personal information of patients or guardians, the information subject, must be guaranteed.

Phytohydrographic Plankton Studies during the First Half of the 20th Century in Korean Neritic Seas (20세기 전반 한국 근해역 플랑크톤의 식물수문학적 연구)

  • PARK, JONG WOO;KIM, HYUNG SEOP;YIH, WONHO
    • The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.483-494
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    • 2019
  • From the cosmopolitan superiority of the as the first world map completed in 1402 with surprisingly detailed images and contents on the Africa Continent it is reasonable to think that the Koreans in early fifteen century were already with highly up-to-date perspectives on the universe and world history and cultures. However, some 490 year later the first phytohydrographic plankton investigation in the neritic seas of Korea was performed by a Japanese company with sampling points covering from Tokyo Bay through Jeju neritic waters to Shanghai estuary, which was in turn preceded by the first oceanographic investigation other than the simple mapping Koreans seas by using two French sailboats. The first phytohydrographic plankton investigation in Korean seas were behind the world first oceanic plankton exploration, the German Plankton Expedition, by 25 years. Starting from the oceanographic investigation including phytohydrographic samplings in the whole Yellow Sea in 1915 the full-scale phytohydrographic plankton studies were tried in Korean seas which is well represented by the 1921 oceanographic investigation on the whole East Sea with 80 sampling stations. In 1932 two separate oceanographic investigations followed, one in the East Sea where 78 stations from Busan to southern Sakhalin Island were simultaneously visited by 50 research vessels for the physical, chemical, and biological oceanographic studies, and the other one in southern coast and western East Sea of Korea where ocean current observation as well as plankton sampling were made in 120 stations to understand the relationship between the ocean current and plankton distribution in the region. In 1933-1934 more intensified investigations on phytohydrography were carried out particularly in the East Sea as an integral part of the basic marine ecosystem studies for the Myeong-Tae (Alaska Pollock) resources estimation. Scientists' attitude for the marine investigation and research activities seemed to be almost unchanging even to the year 1943, which could be reflected by the fact that publication of the results from the investigations performed in 1945 were finally done in 1967 at Tokyo. Some 70 years later from the mid-twenty century we might be standing on the turning-point of "need to be prepared" for the new era of changing paradigm by reviewing, archiving, and analyzing the prior information big data from the previous ocean observation and biohydrographic investigations. At the same time each professional societies for the above mentioned sciences might trigger a continuous project to reorganize and update the records on related bibliography and its history every 30 years.

The Establishment of Labor Archive and Its New Development Strategy : An Attempt to Build Participatory Archive of the Institute of Labor History in SKHU (노동아카이브의 형성과 발전방향 모색 성공회대 노동사연구소의 '참여형 아카이브' 시도를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Chongkoo;Lee, Jaeseong
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.41
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    • pp.175-212
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    • 2014
  • In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

Building Participatory Digital Archives for Documenting Localities (로컬리티 기록화를 위한 참여형 아카이브 구축에 관한 연구)

  • Seol, Moon-Won
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.32
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    • pp.3-44
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of the study is to explore the strategies to build participatory digital archives for documenting localities. Following the introduction of the chapter one, the chapter two deals with categorizing participation types of persons and organizations for documenting localities, analysing characteristics and benefits of each type, and listing up the requirements of participatory archives based on literature reviews. The chapter three focuses on the analyses of digital archives especially based on the participation of organizations such as collecting institutions and community archives in USA, Canada and UK. The cases of participatory archives are divided into two types; i) digital archives based on archival collections of institutions such as libraries, archives, and museums, ii) digital archives mainly based on various community archives. Online Archives California(OAC) and Calisphere of University of California, MemoryBC of British Columbia of Canada, and People's Collection Wales of UK as the first type cases, and Connecting Histories of Birmingham, 'Community Archives Wales(CAW), Cambridgeshire Community Archive Network(CCAN), Norfolk Community Archives Network(NORCAN) as the second type cases are selected for comparative analyses. All these cases can be considered as archival portals since they cover collections from various organizations. This study then evaluates how these digital archives fulfill the requirements of participatory archives such as : i) integrated search of archives that are to be distributed, ii) participation of individuals and organizations, and iii) providing broader contextual information and representation of context as well as contents of archives. Lastly the final chapter suggests the implications for building participatory archives in Korean local areas based on following aspects : host organizations and implementation strategy, networks of collection institutions and community archives, preserving and reorganizing contextual information, selection and appraisal, and participation of records users and creators.

Southeast Asian Hindu Art from the 6th to the 7th Centuries (6-7세기의 동남아 힌두 미술 - 인도 힌두미술의 전파와 초기의 변용 -)

  • Kang, Heejung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.263-297
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    • 2010
  • The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

『Chūn-qiū』Wáng-lì(『春秋』王曆)① - A Study on the Discussion of 'the Changes in the Names of Months and a Season(改月改時)' in the calendar of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 since Song(宋) Dynasty (『춘추(春秋)』왕력(王曆)① - 송대(宋代) 이후 춘추력수(春秋曆數)의 개월(改月)·개시(改時) 논의에 대한 소고(小考))

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.345-378
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    • 2017
  • In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

The Study on Mugyeongchilseo through Mukwashichwi in Early Joseon Dynasty (무경칠서(武經七書)를 통해서 본 조선전기 무과시취(武科試取)에 관한 연구)

  • Kwak, Nak-hyun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.287-310
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study is examining the contents of Mugyeongchilseo researching of Mukwashichwi in early Joseon Dynasty. The conclusions are following in several facts. First, the subjects of test are distinctly divided into 2 different parts. These are martial art test and textbook one. The martial art test was focused on archery and skill of spear. otherwise the text test was consisted of Byeonseo and Saseosamgyeong. Second, Mukwashichwi had 2 different courses Mukwkjo and Dosijo. Each of them also had 3 steps Chosi, Boksi Jeonsi. Regarding text test, the person who applied Mukwjo was able to choose 1 text book of Saseoogyeong, 1 text book of Mugyeongchilseo and 1 text book of "Tonggam", "Byeongyo", "Janggambagui", "Mugyeong", "Sohak" and "Gyeonggukdaejeon". But, the person who applied Dosijo was able to choose 1 text book "Noneo", "Maengja", 1 text book of Ogyeong and 1 book of "Tonggam", "Janggambagui", "Byeongyo", "SunTzu". Third, As the result of examining 42 articles of Mugyeongchilseo in records of Joseon Dynasty. There was unstable stardards in Mukwashichwi at that time. So It needed various texts book to take a test. But, after king Seongjong, "Gyeonggukdaejeon" was completed assigned and the standard text book was set up and applied. Finally, considering important meaning of Mugyeongchilseo, It had been existed as text book of Mukwashichwi for a long time and never deleted like many other books. It had always played critical roles of every types of Mukwa test and had been rules of military appointment.

A Study on Maewoldang, Kim Si-seup's Maniac Tendency (매월당(梅月堂) 김시습(金時習)의 '광자(狂者)' 성향에 관한 연구)

  • Jo, Min-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.35
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    • pp.331-358
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    • 2020
  • This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

Provenance of the ARA07C-St02B Core Sediment from the East Siberian Margin (동시베리아해 연변부 ARA07C-St02B 코어 퇴적물의 기원지 연구)

  • Koo, Hyo Jin;Lim, Gi Taek;Cho, Hyen Goo
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.35 no.1
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    • pp.13-24
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    • 2022
  • The Arctic Ocean is very sensitive to global warming and Arctic Ocean sediments provide a records of terrestrial climate change, analyzing their composition helps clarify global warming. The gravity core sediment ARA07C-St02B was collected at the East Siberian margin during an Arctic expedition in 2016 on the Korean ice-breaking vessel ARAON, and its provenance was estimated through sedimentological, mineralogical and geochemical analysis. The core sediment was divided into four units based on sediment color, sand content and ice-rafted debris content. Units 1 and 3 had higher sand and ice-rafted debris contents than units 2 and 4, and contained a brown layer, whereas units 2 and 4 were mainly composed of a gray layer. Correlation analysis using the adjacent core sediment ARA03B-27 suggested that the sediment units were deposited during marine isotope stage 1 to 4. The bulk mineral, clay mineral, and geochemical compositions of units including a brown layer differed from units including a gray layer. Bulk and clay mineral compositions indicated that coarse and fine sediments had a different origin. Coarse sediments might have been deposited mostly by the East Siberian Coastal Current from the Laptev Sea and the East Siberian Sea or by the Beaufort Gyre from the Chukchi Sea, whereas fine sediments might have been transpoted mostly by currents from the East Siberian Sea, the Chukchi Sea and the Beaufort Sea. Some of the coarse sediments in unit 1 and fine sediments in unit 3 might have been deposited by iceberg ice, sea ice or current from the Beaufort Sea and the Canada Archipelago. Investigating the geochemical composition of the potential origins will elucidate the origin and transportation of the study area's core sediments.