• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.197-208
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• 1991

This study was conducted to estimated the genetic and phenotypic correlations between economic traits and certain other traits in Korean Native Ogol fowl The data analysis were the record of 450 pullets bred from 150 dams and 20 sires of Korean Native Ogol fowl at Chungnam National University from June 18, 1987 to April 6, 1989. The results obtained are summarized as follows ： 1 The genetic correlation coefficients of the economic traits and body shape components were as follows ： between body weight and shank length, breast width. breast girth, tibia length were 0.210~0.788, 0.231~0.826, 0.610~0.995 and 0.096~0.503 between age at first egg and shank length, breast width, breast girth, tibia length were 0.555~0.626, 0.149~0.270, 0.370~0.445 and 0.014-0.124. between number of egg production and shank length, breast girth, tibia length were -0.446~-0.167, -0.162~-0.320, 0.076~0.336 and 0.203~0.312 ： between egg weight and shank length, breast width, breast girth, tibia length were 0.132~0.498, 0.236~0.410, 0.148~0.775 and -0.019~0.593, respectively. 2. The genetic correlation coefficients of the economic traits and egg components were as follows ： between body weight and albumen weight, yolk weight, shell weight were 0.083~0.591, 0 110~0.541 and 0.336~0.782 between age at the first egg and albumen weight, yolk weight, shell weight were 0.476-0.692, 0.265~0.631 and 0.420~0.519 between number of egg Production and albumen weight, yolk weight, shell weight were -0.578~-0.240, -0.255~-0.060, -0.477~-0.313. between egg weight and albumen weight, yolk weight, shell weight were 0.825~0.939, 0.382~0.564, 0.374~0.337, respectively. 3. The genetic correlation coefficients of the economic traits and egg qualifies were as follows ： between body weight and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height, Haugh units were 0.215~0.367, 0.248~0.650, 0.161~0.624, 0.157~0.449. between number of egg production and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height, Haugh units were -0.384~-0.207, -0.557~-0.306, -0.555~-0.198, -0.582~-0.074 between egg weight and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height, Haugh units were 0.276~0.697, 0.290~0.627, 0.238~0.538, -0.207-0.020, respectively. 4. The genetic correlation coefficients of egg compositions and egg qualities were as follows ： between albumen weight and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height and Haugh units were 0.110~0.584, -0.380~-0.002, 0.239~0.887 and -0.195~0.279 ： between yolk weight and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height and Haugh units were -0.204~0.160, 0.294~0.133, -0.049~0.133 and -0.196~-0 136 ： between shell weight and egg shape index, shell thickness, albumen height and Haugh units were 0.127~0.503, 0.127~0.476, 0.140~0.273 and -0.172~0.233, respectively.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.368-382
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• 2012

This paper investigated the system that is relevant to Jang(fermented soybean paste or solution), the relief of hunger-stricken people by Jang, 33 kinds of Jang, and its consumption in the documents, such as the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seungjeongwon daily, Uigwe(record of national ceremony), official documents on the basis of Kyujanggak institute for the Korean studies and data base of Korean classics. There are lots of Jang named after the place of particular soybean's production from the ancient times. Jang, soybean, salt and Meju(source of Jang), during the Dynasty, were collected as taxation or tribute. In the 5th year of Hyeonjong(1664), the storage amount of soybean in Hojo(ministry of finance) was 16,200 $k{\ell}$, and its consumption was 7,694 $k{\ell}$ a year. In the 32nd year of Yongjo(1756), the 1,800 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was distributed to the people at the time of disaster, and in his 36th year(1756), the 15,426 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was reduced from the soybean taxation nationwide. The offices managing Jang are Naejashi, Saseonseo, Sadoshi, Yebinshi and Bongsangshi. Chongyoongcheong(Gyeonggi military headquarters) stored the 175.14 $k{\ell}$ of Jang, and the 198 $k{\ell}$ of Jang in Yebinshi. There are such posts managing Jang as Jangsaek, Jangdoo, and Saseonsikjang. In the year of Jeongjong(1777~1800), the royal family distributed the 3.6 $k{\ell}$ of Meju to Gasoon-court, Hygyeong-court, queen's mother-court, queen's court, royal palace. The 13.41 $k{\ell}$ of Gamjang(fermented soybean solution) was distributed to the Gasoon-court, 17.23 $k{\ell}$ to Hegyeong-court, 17.09 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's mother-court, and the 17.17 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's court each. There are 112 Jang-storing pots in the royal storages, and the 690 are in Namhan-hill, where the 2.7 $k{\ell}$ of fermented Jang was made and brought back by them each year. At the time of starvation, Jang relieved the starving people. There are 20 occasions of big reliefs, according to the annals of the Chosun Dynasty. In the 5th year of Sejong(1423), the 360 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was given to the hunger-stricken people. In his 6th year(1424), the 8,512.92 $k{\ell}$ of rice, bean, and Jang was provided and in the 28th year(1446), the 8,322.68 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was also provided to them. In the Dynasty, Jang was given as a salary. In case that when they were bereaved, they didn't eat Jang patiently for its preservation. They were awarded for their filial piety. In the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, there are 19 kinds of Jang. They are listed in the order of Jang(108), Yeomjang(90), Maljang(11), Yookjang(5), Gamjang(4), and etc.,. In Seungjeongwon daily, there are 11 kinds of Jang. Jang(6), Cheongjang (5), Maljang(5), and Tojang(3) are listed in order. In the Ihlseong-document, there are 5 kinds of Jang. They are listed in Jang(15), Maljang(2), Gamjang(2), and etc.,. There are 13 kinds of Jang in Uigwe, and the official documents, in the order of Gamjang(59), Ganjang(37), Jang(28), Yeomjang(7), Maljang(6), and Cheongjang(5). In addition, shi are Jeonshi(7), and Dooshi(4). All these are made of only soybean except, for Yookjang. The most-frequently recorded Jang among anthology, cookbook, the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seoungjeongwon daily, Uigwe, or official document is Jang(372), and then Yeomjang(194), Gamjang(73), Cheongjang(46), Ganjang(46), Soojang(33), and Maljang(26), which were made of soybean. Jang from China in cookbook is not in anthology and royal palace documents. Thus, traditional Jang made of soybean was used in the daily food life in the royal court, and in the public during the Chosun period.

• Trans-
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• v.2
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• pp.1-38
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• 2017

Dance, as an art which expresses thoughts and emotions by movement human, is included in work that its copyright has to be protected, choreographers who are creators and dancers who are performing can exercise their rights included in copyright laws. However, artists who work in the dancing scene have lack of awareness about copyrights and the application level is low. The purpose of this thesis is to look into the current status and issues about dance copyright and to discuss activation plans and effectiveness plans for dance copyrights. The main point is to check into the level of awareness for dance copyrights with choreographers, dancers and students majoring in dance who are in charge of the art of dancing, to present issues about the necessity of the dance copyrights protection plans by analyzing interviews-in-depth and to prepare the dance copyrights protection plans which are concretely realistic. For the research methods, first, I looked into ideas and contents about copyrights through a document research and then, wanted to prepare theoretical background by reviewing actual cases of performing art copyrights related to dance. Next, I carried out surveys about awareness of copyrights with students majoring in dance, choreographers and dancers then carried out analysis of actual proof. Also, I chose three famous dancers who are actively performing in the current dancing scene and did interviews-in-depth about dance copyrights then carried out a recording analysis. I tried to complement the analysis by discussing deeper which I couldn't deal with in the previous surveys and to contemplate awareness activation of dance copyrights and plans. As a result of the research, the level of the awareness about dance copyrights through age, major, education and career was very low. The level of awareness was almost same compared to the previous research 10 years ago. 'Music', which can be an element of copyright issue in dance, was the highest in rate, and dance was recognized as an art which is combined with various elements as a combination work. The way of protection for works of choreography and performance only used data preservation and contracts and didn't register copyrights or record in dace notation. Majority of responders answered that they couldn't have any education about copyrights while they were recognizing the necessity of education and management for copyrights. The analysis of interviews-in-depth was also matched to the result of the previous surveys and a deeper discussion about the status of dance copyrights and issues was carried out. The plans of effectiveness for dance copyrights through the result of previous research are as followings. First, an advanced education is necessary above all to increase the awareness and application of copyrights in dancing scene. Long-term education like study curriculums and short-term education like special courses and seminars should be combined, and education about copyrights for dance groups, choreographers, dancers and students majoring in dance should keep on going. Second, revision of performing art works is necessary for the activation of dance copyrights, and establishing a dance copyright association to manage copyrights systematically and training dance copyright experts are necessary as well. Third, as the way of copyright protection for choreographers and dancers, an establishment for relation gain and loss about copyrights is necessary when creating dance works and performing, and registration of dance works should be activated. Also, the dancing scene should sign contracts for choreography and performance and this contract culture should be activated, and it should systematically preserve and manage choreography and performance records through basic ways. Hereby, it is considered to prepare a foundation to foster the awareness of dance copyrights and activate dance copyrights.

• Journal of Oral Medicine and Pain
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.297-316
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• 2006

The increasing tendency of medical disputes is one of the remarkable social phenomena. Especially we must not overlook the phenomenon that production and circulation of information related to medical accidents is increasing rapidly through the internet. In this research, we evaluated the web sites which provide the information related to medical accidents using the keyword "medical accidents" in March 2006, and classified the 28 web sites according to the kinds of establishers. We also analyzed the contents of the sites, and checked and compared the current status of the web sites and problems that have to be improved. Finally, we suggested the possible solutions to prevent medical accidents. The detailed results were listed below. 1. Medical practitioners, general public, and lawyers were all familiar with and prefer the term "medical accidents" mainly. 2. In the number of sites searched by the keyword "medical accidents", lawyer had the most sites and medical practitioners had the least ones. 3. Many sites by general public and lawyers had their own medical record analysts but there was little professional analysts for dentistry. 4. General public were more interested in the prevention of medical accidents but the lawyers were more interested in the process after medical accidents. The sites by medical practitioners dealt with the least remedies of medical accidents, compared with other sites. 5. General public wanted the third party such as government intervention into the disputes including the medical dispute arbitration law or/and the establishment of independent medical dispute judgment institution. 6. In the comparison among the establishers of web sites, medical practitioners dealt with the least examples of medical accidents. 7. The suggestion of cases in counseling articles related to dental accidents were considered less importantly than the reality. 8. Whereas there were many articles about domestic cases related to the bloody dental treatment, in the open counseling articles the number of dental treatment regarding to non insurance treatment was large. 9. In comparing offered information of medical accidents based on the establishers, general public offered vocabularies, lawyers offered related laws and medical practitioners offered medical knowledge relatively. 10. They all cited the news pressed by the media to offer the current status of domestic medical accidents. Especially among the web sites by general public, NGOs provided the plentiful statistical data related to medical accidents. 11. The web sites that collect the medical accidents were only two. As a result of our research, we found out that, in the flood of information, medical disputes can be occurred by the wrong information from third party, and the medical practitioners have the most passive attitudes on the medical accidents. Thus, it is crucial to have the mutual interchange and exchange of information between lawyer, patients and medical practitioners, so that based on clear mutual comprehension we can solve the accidents and disputes more positively and actively.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.861-876
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• 1965

During my stay in the Netherlands, I have studied the following, primarily in relation to the Mokpo Yong-san project which had been studied by the NEDECO for a feasibility report. 1. Unit hydrograph at Naju There are many ways to make unit hydrograph, but I want explain here to make unit hydrograph from the- actual run of curve at Naju. A discharge curve made from one rain storm depends on rainfall intensity per houre After finriing hydrograph every two hours, we will get two-hour unit hydrograph to devide each ordinate of the two-hour hydrograph by the rainfall intensity. I have used one storm from June 24 to June 26, 1963, recording a rainfall intensity of average 9. 4 mm per hour for 12 hours. If several rain gage stations had already been established in the catchment area. above Naju prior to this storm, I could have gathered accurate data on rainfall intensity throughout the catchment area. As it was, I used I the automatic rain gage record of the Mokpo I moteorological station to determine the rainfall lntensity. In order. to develop the unit ~Ydrograph at Naju, I subtracted the basic flow from the total runoff flow. I also tried to keed the difference between the calculated discharge amount and the measured discharge less than 1O~ The discharge period. of an unit graph depends on the length of the catchment area. 2. Determination of sluice dimension Acoording to principles of design presently used in our country, a one-day storm with a frequency of 20 years must be discharged in 8 hours. These design criteria are not adequate, and several dams have washed out in the past years. The design of the spillway and sluice dimensions must be based on the maximun peak discharge flowing into the reservoir to avoid crop and structure damages. The total flow into the reservoir is the summation of flow described by the Mokpo hydrograph, the basic flow from all the catchment areas and the rainfall on the reservoir area. To calculate the amount of water discharged through the sluiceCper half hour), the average head during that interval must be known. This can be calculated from the known water level outside the sluiceCdetermined by the tide) and from an estimated water level inside the reservoir at the end of each time interval. The total amount of water discharged through the sluice can be calculated from this average head, the time interval and the cross-sectional area of' the sluice. From the inflow into the .reservoir and the outflow through the sluice gates I calculated the change in the volume of water stored in the reservoir at half-hour intervals. From the stored volume of water and the known storage capacity of the reservoir, I was able to calculate the water level in the reservoir. The Calculated water level in the reservoir must be the same as the estimated water level. Mean stand tide will be adequate to use for determining the sluice dimension because spring tide is worse case and neap tide is best condition for the I result of the calculatio 3. Tidal computation for determination of the closure curve. During the construction of a dam, whether by building up of a succession of horizontael layers or by building in from both sides, the velocity of the water flowinii through the closing gapwill increase, because of the gradual decrease in the cross sectional area of the gap. 1 calculated the . velocities in the closing gap during flood and ebb for the first mentioned method of construction until the cross-sectional area has been reduced to about 25% of the original area, the change in tidal movement within the reservoir being negligible. Up to that point, the increase of the velocity is more or less hyperbolic. During the closing of the last 25 % of the gap, less water can flow out of the reservoir. This causes a rise of the mean water level of the reservoir. The difference in hydraulic head is then no longer negligible and must be taken into account. When, during the course of construction. the submerged weir become a free weir the critical flow occurs. The critical flow is that point, during either ebb or flood, at which the velocity reaches a maximum. When the dam is raised further. the velocity decreases because of the decrease\ulcorner in the height of the water above the weir. The calculation of the currents and velocities for a stage in the closure of the final gap is done in the following manner; Using an average tide with a neglible daily quantity, I estimated the water level on the pustream side of. the dam (inner water level). I determined the current through the gap for each hour by multiplying the storage area by the increment of the rise in water level. The velocity at a given moment can be determined from the calcalated current in m3/sec, and the cross-sectional area at that moment. At the same time from the difference between inner water level and tidal level (outer water level) the velocity can be calculated with the formula $h= \frac{V^2}{2g}$ and must be equal to the velocity detertnined from the current. If there is a difference in velocity, a new estimate of the inner water level must be made and entire procedure should be repeated. When the higher water level is equal to or more than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water level and the crest of the dam, we speak of a "free weir." The flow over the weir is then dependent upon the higher water level and not on the difference between high and low water levels. When the weir is "submerged", that is, the higher water level is less than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water and the crest of the dam, the difference between the high and low levels being decisive. The free weir normally occurs first during ebb, and is due to. the fact that mean level in the estuary is higher than the mean level of . the tide in building dams with barges the maximum velocity in the closing gap may not be more than 3m/sec. As the maximum velocities are higher than this limit we must use other construction methods in closing the gap. This can be done by dump-cars from each side or by using a cable way.e or by using a cable way.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.14-21
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• 2012

The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.698-708
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate differences in the breeding call characteristics of cicada species found in urban and forest areas in the central region of Korea by examining the interspecific effects and environmental factors affecting the breeding calls and breeding call patterns. The selected research sites were Gyungnam Apartment in Bangbae-dong, Seoul for the urban area and Chiak Mountain National Park in Wonju for the forest area. The research method for both sites was to record cicada breeding calls for 24 hours with a recorder installed at the site and analyze the results. Data from the Korea Meteorological Administration were used for environmental factors. The research period was from June 19, 2017 to September 30, 2017. As a result of the study, there were differences in the emergence of species between the two research sites: while Platypleura kaempferi, Hyalessa fuscata, Meimuna opalifera, Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, and Suisha coreana were observed at both sites, Cryptotympana atrata was observed in the urban area and Leptosemia takanonis in the forest area only. The emergence periods of cicadas at the two sites were also different. The activities of P. kaempferi and L. takanonis were noticeable in the forest area. In the urban area, however, L. takanonis was not observed and the duration of activity of P. kaempferi was short. In the urban area, C. atrata appeared and sang for a long period; H. fuscata, M. opalifera, and G. nigrofuscata appeared earlier than in the forest area. S. coreana appeared earlier in the forest area than in the urban area. According to the daily call cycle analysis, even cospecific cicada showed a wide variation in their daily cycle depending on the region and the interspecific effects between different cicadas, and the environmental differences between the urban and forest areas affected the calls of cicadas. The results of correlation analysis between each cicada breeding calls and environmental factors of each site showed positive correlation with average temperature of most cicadas except P. kaempferi and C. atrata. The same species of each site showed positive correlations with more diverse weather factors such as solar irradiance. Logistic regression analysis showed that cicadas with overlapping calling times had significant effects on each other's breeding calls. C. atrata, which appeared only in the urban area, had a positive effect on the calling frequency of H. fuscata, M. opalifera, and G. nigrofuscata, which called in the same period. Additionally, L. takanonis, which appeared only in the forest area, and P. kaempferi had a positive effect on each other, and M. opalifera had a positive effect on the calling frequency of H. fuscata and G. nigrofuscata in the forest area. For the environmental factors, the calling frequency of cicadas was affected by the average temperatures of the urban and forest areas, and cicadas that appeared in the forest area were also affected by the amount of solar radiation. According to the results of statistical analysis, urban cicadas with similar activity periods are influenced by species, especially with respect to urban dominant species, C. atrata. Forest cicadas were influenced by species, mainly M. opalifera, which is a forest dominant species. The results of the meteorological impact analysis were similar to those of the correlation analysis, and were influenced mainly by the temperature, and the influence of the insolation was more increased in the forests.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.141-158
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• 1994

To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.