• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.250-258
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• 2014

본 연구는 교정치료 관련인자들이 구강건강영향지수(OHIP)에 주는 영향을 파악하여 교정환자의 효과적인 건강관리에 도움을 주고자 강원지역 주민을 대상으로 실시하였다. 대상자의 OHIP의 평균은 2.97이며 신체요인 평균은 3.01, 심리요인 평균은 2.93로 교정치료는 심리요인에 더욱 영향을 주며 구강건강영향지수 10항목 중 가장 영향을 많이 미치는 항목은 평균 2.66으로 '치아형태로 인해 창피한 적이 있었습니까'으로 조사되었다. 일반적인 특성 중 OHIP에 유의하게 영향을 준 특성은 연령, 종교, 직업, 수입, 흡연여부로 나타났다(p<0.05). 연령은 20대 이하가 2.53으로 영향을 가장 많이 주며 직업은 생산/판매직은 2.56으로 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타냈다(p<0.05). 수입은 400만원 초과가 2.83, 2.78로 수입이 많을수록, 흡연여부는 흡연자가 비흡연자에 비해 영향을 많이 미치며 것으로 조사되었다(p<0.05). 교정치료 특징이 구강건강영향지수(OHIP)에 건강인지도로 나타났다(p<0.05). 교정치료를 한 이유에서는 '저작 시 불편감'이 2.69, 2.67로 나타났다(p<0.05). 교정기간은 '1-2년'이 2.80, 2.74로 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다(p<0.05). 교정치료의 후회여부는 '후회한다'가 2.65, 2.60로 조사되었다(p<0.05). 교정치료의 특징과 OHIP의 상관관계를 분석한 결과 교정치료를 하는 이유, 구강건강인지도, 교정치료 후회여부가 통계적으로 유의하게 상관관계를 나타냈다. 이러한 결과를 바탕으로 교정환자의 신체적 정신적인 면에서 치료과정에 도움을 주고 또한 건강한 삶의 질 향상을 위하여 지속적인 노력이 필요하리라 사료된다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제7권
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• pp.198-231
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• 1994

Up to now, after I had examined the relation between the origin of Fung(風) and Gi(氣) and the mean of Fung in medical science, I obtained the conclusion being as follows. The first, Fung(風) means a flux of Gi(氣) and Gi shows the process by virtue of the form of Fung, namely, Fung means motion of Gi. In other words, it is flow of power. Accordingly, the process of all power can give a name Fung. The second, Samul(事物) ceaselessly interchange with the external world to sustain the existence and life of themselves. And they make a adequate confrontation against the pressure of the outside. This the motive power of life action(生命活動) is Gi and shows its the process on the strength of Fung. The third, Samul(事物) incessantly releases power which it has to the outside. Power released to the outside forms the territory of the established power in the environment of them and keep up their substance(實體) in the space time(時空). It can be name Fung because the field(場) of this power incessantly flows. The fourth, man operates life on the ground of the creation of his own vigor(生氣) for himself as the life body(生命體) of the independence and self-support. The occurence of this vigor and the adjustment process(調節作用) is supervised by Gan(肝). That is to say, Gan plays a role to regulate and manage the process of Fung or the action of vigor with Fung-Zang(風臟). The fifth, because the Gi-Gi adjustment process(氣機調節作用) of Gan is the same as the process of Fung, Fung that operates the cause of a disease is attributed to the disharmony of the process of the human body Gi-Gi. Therefore, the generating pathological change is attributed to the extraordinary of the function by the incongruity of Gi-Gi(氣機) or the disorder of the direct motion of Gi-Hyul(氣血). Because the incongruity of this Gi-Gi of the human body gives rise to the abnormal of Zung-Gi(正氣) in the human body properly cannot cope with the invasion of 'Oi-Sa(外邪). Furthermore, Fung serves as the mediation body of the invasion of other Sa-Gi(邪氣) because of its dynamics, By virtue of this reason, Fung is named the head of all disease. And because the incongruity of the Gi-Gi has each other form according to Zang-Bu(臟腑), Kyung-Lak(經絡), and a region, the symptoms of a disease appear differently in line with them as well. The sixth, Fung-byung(風病) is approximately separated Zung-Fung(中風) and Fung-byung(猍義의 風病). Zung-fung and Fung-byung is to be attributed to the major invasion of each Jung-gi and Fung-sa(正氣와 風邪). But these two kinds stir up the problem to the direct motion of Gi-hyul(氣血) and the harmony of Gi-Gi in the human body. When one cures it, therefore, Zung-fung has to rectify Gi-Gi and the circulation of Gi-hyul on the basis of the supplement of Jung-gi(正氣) and Fung-byung must make the harmony of Gi-Gi with the Gu-fung(驅風). -Go-gi(調氣), Sun-Gi(順氣). Hang-Gi(行氣) - All existing living things as well as man maintain life on the ground of the pertinent harmony between the soul(精神) and the body(肉體). As soon as the harmony falls down, simultaneously life disappears as well. And Fung which means the outside process between Gi(氣) and Gi(氣) makes the action of their life cooperative and unified, Accordingy, the understanding of Fung, first, has to start wi th the whole thought that not only all Samul(事物) but also the soul and the body are one.

• 재활간호학회지
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.33-47
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• 2004

The purpose of this study was to investigate weight control practices and cardiovascular risk in middle-aged women. 304 middle-aged women were selected as subjects from thirties to fifthies living at J city in Chung-Buk Do. Data were collected using a questionnaire, anthropometric measurements, BP & total cholesterol level in serum from April 1, to June 30, 2003. The results of this study were as follows: The middle-aged woman's age is average $43.95{\pm}7.09yr$ and mean BMI(body mass index) was $23.54{\pm}3.09\;kg/m^2$. Underweight, normal weight, overweight, obese women were 3.0%, 39.5%, 27.9% and 29.6%respectively. Subjects perceived own as 'Slim' 5.9%, 'ordinary' 45.7%, 'Fat' 48.4%. Their weight perception coincide their own actual body weight but as many as 41.8% of overweight and 9.0% of obese perceived themselves as being 'ordinary'. Middle age women with past weight control experience were 55.6%, and only 35.5% was doing weight control at present. Of these subjects, 71.4% reported wanting to lose weight and the primary reason of weight control was to improve their appearance(39.53%). The most frequently reported weight control behavior was 'exercise' followed 'dieting', but 39.6% reported using 'diet food', 12.4% 'behavior modification', 12.4% 'fasting', and 'diet-drug'(3.6%) or 'smoking'(3.6%). Effective weight control methods were thought regular exercise(97.1%) & dieting (79.3%). And behavior modification(71.4%) or diet camp(60%) were effective, too. An average waist circumference was $79.80{\pm}9.47cm$, waist/hip ratio was $86.63{\pm}6.78$, waist/height ratio was $50.43{\pm}6.10$. In the index of abdominal obesity, 79.7 % of middle-aged women was waist/height ratio over 0.46, 65.3% was waist/hip ratio over 0.85, 28.4% was waist circumference over 85cm. There were significant differences in the degree of abdominal obesity according to age and BMI. In the index of cardiovascualr risk, 10.9% of middle aged women was systolic hypertension over 140mmHg, 18.7% was diastolic hypertension over 90mmHg and 10.6% was hypercholesterolemia over 200mg/dl. There was significant difference in systolic hypertension ratio according to age. There was significant difference in diastolic hypertension ratio according to age and obesity. There were significant differences in hypercholesterolemia accorting to obesity. The abdominal obesity indices and the levels of T-cholesterol in the serum, systolic and diastolic BP increased significantly according to age. T-cholesterol in serum was predicted 2.6% by waist/height ratio. And systolic BP was predicted 15.2% by waist/height, add BMI to 16.8%. Subject's diastolic BP was predicted 12.1% by BMI. Therefore waist/height ratio and BMI were significant factors for the predictors of cardiovascular risk. There was significant correlation between index of obesity and cardiovascular risk. T-cholesterol in serum had correlation with waist/eight ratio(r=0.174) and waist circumference(r=0.48). Systolic BP had correlation with waist/height ratio(r=0.387), and BMI(=0.371). diastolic BP correlation had correlation with BMI(r=0.343) and waist/height ratio(r=0.327). In conclusion, The prevalence of obesity was 29.6% in 304 cases, and increased as age after menopause increased. Middle-aged women's weight perception and actual BMI coincide but some of them did not. Trial to reduce weight was attempted. But most of them did not actually. Undesirable weight control method such as using drugs, fasting, smoking was used by some women. It is important to educate about health weight control methods and raise their awareness of exact body figures. High frequency of abdominal obesity in middle-aged women had correlation with hypertension and hypercholesterolemia. Abdominal index such as waist/height ratio, waist circumference, waist/hip ratio was used. Women's hypertension, hypercholesterolemia significantly related to body mass index and abdominal obesity.

• 한국학교보건학회지
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.74-90
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• 1992

농촌지역 국민학교 급식아동의 성장발달과 식생활 습관을 알아보기 위하여 경상북도 농촌지역 국민학교 중 급식 학교 6학년 아동 636명(남자 312 명, 여자 324명)과, 이들 학교 인근의 비급식학교 6학년 아동 628명(남자 306명, 여자 322명)을 대상으로 학생건강기록부에 기재된 신장, 체중 측정치를 1학년에서 6학년까지 6년간의 연속적인 자료를 조사하고, 이들의 전반적인 식생활 습관을 1992년 2월 1일부터 2월 15일까지 설문지로 조사하여 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 남자의 신장은 6년간 급식군이 27.8cm, 비급식군 27.1cm자랐고, 여자신장은 각각 29.9cm, 28.4cm가 자라서 급식아동이 약간 더 성장하였다. 남자체중은 급식군 15.7kg, 비급식군 14.8kg이 증가한 반면, 여자는 16.9kg 및 17.2kg이 성장해 남자는 급식아동이, 여자는 비급식아동이 더 성장했다. 1학년때는 percentile별 신장 체중의 분포가 표준정규분포 곡선형태에 가까우면서 급식군과 비급식군이 서로 비슷하였으나 6학년때는 50percentile선을 중심으로 75percentile이상에 급식아동의 분포가 더 많았다. 6학년때 체력은 남자의 경우 급식아동이 멀리뛰기, 던지기, 턱걸이, 윗몸일으키기에서 비급식아동보다 우세하였으며, 여자는 멀리뛰기 한 종목에서만 유의한 차이를 보였고 (P<0.05), 체력급수에서도 우수한 특급의 분포가 급식군에서 더 많았다. 아침식사를 매일 먹는 아동이 급식군 67.6%, 비급식군 57.8%였고, 아침을 안먹는 이유로 급식군은 습관이 돼서 (50.7%), 비급식군은 밥맛이 없어서 (58.9%)라고 답하였으며, 급식아동에서 대체적으로 싱겁게 먹는 경향이 많았다. 간식빈도는 무 군 모두 70% 정도의 아동이 하루에 1회이상 간식을 하고 있었으며, 간식장소는 급식군은 집에서 (45.2%), 비급식군은 귀가 도중 가게나 길거리에 (48.4%)한다고 답하였다. 가정에서 식사할 때 음식을 골고루 먹는 아동이 급식군에서 더 많았고 식사시 조용히 자리에 앉아서 음식을 삼킨후 이야기하며 먹는 아동이 급식군에서 더 많았는 반면, T.V를 보면서 먹는 아동은 비급식군보다 적었다. 식사전에 항상 손을 씻는 아동이 급식군은 84.0%, 비급식군 63.6%로 급식군에서 유의하게 높았고, 식사후 이닦기를 항상 하는 아동은 급식군 여자에서 많아 유의한 관련성을 보였다. 영양교육 실태에 있어서도 영양교육을 '받았다'라고 답한 아동이 급식군 78.0%, 비급식군 57.5%였다. 이상의 결과로 볼때 급식아동이 비급식아동 보다 성장발육 속도가 더 빨랐고, 체력도 더 좋다고 할 수 있으며, 식습관 및 위생습관도 양호한 것으로 나타나 국민학교 특히 농촌지역부터 학교급식을 빠른 시일내에 확대 실시토록 해야 할것이며, 교육급식으로서의 역할을 다할 수 있도록 영양 및 식생활개선교육도 강화해야 할 것이다.

• 한국학교보건학회지
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.42-65
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• 1992

A survey was made of 976 students who were selected among students of 5 middle schools at Taegu so that it could furnish basic knowledge about sex education of adolescents by analyzing students recognition of sex, acquaintance with the opposite-sex, sex-education, The survery took a month from Nov. 1, to Nov 30, 1991. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. The general characteristics of the surveyed students. The survey consisted of 332 boys middle school student & 325 girls middle school students, 157 male & 162 female students of coeducational middle schools. 32.9% of them were from the first grade, 33.2% from the second grade & 33.9% from the third grade. 35.7% of them believed in Buddhism, 19% Christianism and the mode of their living standard, 86.7%, fell on 34.7% of their parents engaged in commerce and they were followed by salary man and public officals, 93.1 % of the students, parents were alive. 44.9% of their fathers were graduates of high school and 42.2% of their mothers middle school. 2. Sexual maturity 89.1 % of the surveyed girls had experienced menstruation. The mode of first menstruation, 48.2%, was at the age of 13 and the mean of it was 12.9, 3.7% the surveyed boys had exprienced a wet drem before. The mode of the first wet dream, 40.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 21.3% of surveyed students had the experience of masturbation but the number of girls fell far short of that boys. The mode of the first masturbation, 37.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 3. The acquaintance and sexual relations with the opposite sex 1) Analyzing the students actual conditions with the opposite, I found out that 52.3% of them wanted to have any kind of relations with the opposite and that 30.25 had already had some kind of relations. 73.2% of the students having relations with the opposite thought the other sex merely as a friend and the number of students who were thinking that way was distributed evenly among schools. 28.8% of the students had got acquainted with the other sex through their frieds and there were not much difference between boys and girls in the method of getting acquainated with the opposite. About 35.2% of the students having relations with the opposite came from the third grade. 47.8% of them answered that the meeting place was not fixed and 26.4% answered that they were meeting their parthers outdoors. 60.7% replyed that they were not disturbed in their studies by the relations with the other sex. 2) Most of the students 79.4%, answered that they had never had sexual relations and 16.3% of the rest said that thery were expressing their feelings by grasping each other's hand. 3) 16.6% of the surveyed students asid that they had the exprience of smoking, 1.1 % of an illusion caused by inhaling chemical addhesives, 44.0% of drinking and 41.4% of warching pornographic films. 4. The knowledge and attitude about the sex 1) The distribution and analysis according to schools and grades : 64.8% of the surveyed students answered correctly to the questions about mensturation, 49.3 % did so about wet dreams, 94.3 % did so about conception, 60.6% did so about child birth, 73.9% did so about AIDS and 50.1 % did so about sexual diseases. Roughly speaking, they had not much knowledge of sexual diseases. 2) The recognition of sex according to schools and grades : 39.0% of the students said that they had worries about sex. 33.1 % of what they worried was concerned with their bodies and 26.8% was about the acqaintance and relationship with the opposite sex. The girls were much more concerned about the former and the boys the latter. 51.1 % of the students asid that they had no specific opinion of masturbation but 19.2% said that's alright if self-restrained. About the sexual intercourse before marriage, 75.7% said negatively. 5. The need for sex education most of the students, 99.4% said they needed sex education and there was not much difference in that thought among schools. And 49.7% answered that schools, families, and societies were equlally important in sex education. About half of the students, exactly 50.2%. considered it as the main reason of sex education to prevent accidents cauesd by ignorance of sex. 81.4% said that they had had some kind of sex education. Most of the educations, 87.0%, had taken place at schools but 5.2% said they were getting most of the knowledge about sex from therir friednds, juniors and seniors. 59.5% of the students who had ever had a sex education said "Just so, so" when asked of the level of their contentment but the number of students who said "satisfied" was only a few, 16.1 %. 20.7% of the survered answered that thery wanted sex education to be made in the course of home life, and 26.6 % of the students most wanted to know about the acquaintance and relationship with the oppostie sex, 29.0% preferred nurse teachers as proper councellors of sex education. The mode of their present councellors, 42.0%, was friends but only 7.6% answered they dicussed with teachers. 6. The correlation analysis between general characteristcs and sexual behaviors of the surveyed students revealed that sex had a signigicant(P<0.001) positive correlation with parents' love toward students(P<0.01), the experience of masturbation, smoking, an illusion caused by inhaling chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. And the standard of living had a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation(P<0.01) with grade point average, parents' existence(P<0.01) and parents' love, but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with sexual worries. grade point average had a significant(P<0.01)negative correlation with the experience of an illusion caused by chemical adhesives(P<0.01) and smoking. Parents' existence had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with parents' love and smoking but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives. There was a significant(P<0.01) negative correlations between parents' love and the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives, and a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among masturbation and sexual worries, smoking, an illusion by chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. There was a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among acquaintance with the opposite sex, smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Sexual worries had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. smoking had a significant positive correlation with drinking the experirence of, an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Finally, there was a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation between the drinking experience and the illusion experience by chemical adhesives. According to the results mentioned above, the fact is certain that there is a great need for sex education of adolescents. Therefore, it is desirable that the schools teach sexual physiology and normal positively and that sex education including hygien education be an independant course in the curriculums. Furthermore, it is essential that the schools should have enough nurse teachers to take up sex education, expand training opportunities for them and that they develop educational materials. Considering the unbalance of the level of sex educations between boys and girls, I want to suggest that all boys and girls have sex education evenly and lead happy lives by correction irrational thought about sex, that is to say, sex discrimination, Sex education programs, especially of middle school students, should be reexamined if it is to give the students effective and profitable knowledge about sex. In addition, the government should establish a policy of adolescents' sex education to have healthy opinions of sex settled nationwide.

• 심성연구
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.36-66
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• 2011

본 논문에서는 무의식의 창조성이 종교와 어떻게 연결되는지를 그리스도교를 중심으로 살펴보려 한다. 융은 인간의 무의식을 과학적으로 연구하려 했던 프로이트의 무의식관이 오직 자아에 의해 무의식적으로 억압되어 있는 부문만을 포함하고 있음을 비판하면서, 무의식의 범위에는 억압된 내용뿐만 아니라 의식의 문턱값에 이르지 못한 모든 심리적 소재가 광범위하게 포함되어 있는 것으로 파악했다. 또한 인간 정신 역시 전적으로 개별적인 현상일 뿐 아니라 집단적 현상이기도 한 것이기에, 이러한 집단정신이 정신기능의 하부를 포괄하고 있고, 의식과 개인적 무의식은 정신기능의 상부를 포괄하는 것으로 보았다. 무의식은 자기조절의 기능을 지니고 있음을 융은 다양한 임상경험과 스스로의 체험을 통해서 알게 되었다. 그러므로 무의식은 '요구'할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 자신의 요구를 다시 거두어들일 수도 있는 것이다. 이러한 기능을 융은 무의식이 지닌 자율성으로 보았으며, 이처럼 자율적으로 움직이는 무의식이 창조적으로 만들어내는 꿈이나 환상을 통한 상(像)들은 풍성한 관념뿐 아니라 감정을 포함하는 모든 것이다. 무의식의 이러한 창조적인 상들이 인간이 본래의 자기(Self)를 찾아나가는 '개성화의 과정'을 도와주고 이끌어나가는 것이다. 이처럼 자아의식을 보상하는 무의식의 과정은 전체 정신의 자가조절에 필요한 모든 요소를 지니고 있어 창조적인 방법으로 자율적으로 작용하는 것이다. 융이 체험했던 종교란 바로 무의식의 창조성과 자율성에 의해 움직여지는 집단의식의 상들이 의식을 사로잡아 형성된 '누미노줌'에 대한 숙고의 자세이며, 종파란 바로 이러한 상(像)들이 제의(ritual)나 의식으로 굳어져 신앙 공동체로 형성된 것이다. 융은 종교를 최고, 혹은 가장 강력한 가치와의 관계로 파악하고, 이러한 관계는 양면적, 즉 자유의지에 의한 것이기도 하고 불수의적인 것이기도 한 것으로 보았다. 따라서 사람들은 하나의 가치, 즉 어떤 에너지가 부하된 정신적 요소에 의해 무의식적으로 사로잡힐 수도 있고, 혹은 그것을 의식적으로 수용할 수도 있게 된다. 융은 인간 속에서 최대의 세력을 갖고 있는 압도하는 정신적 요소, 또는 그러한 심리학적 사실이 신(神)으로서 작용하는 것으로 보았다. 융은 어린 시절부터 스위스 개혁교회의 전통적인 분위기에서 자랐지만 자신을 헌신적인 그리스도교인 으로 생각하지는 않았던 것 같다. 그에게 다가온 기독교는 지적(知的) 정직성도 부족했고 영적인 활력도 부족한 생명력이 사라진 습관적이고 관례적인 한 기관일 뿐이었다. 융은 12살 때 자신의 환상을 통해 만났던 극적인 종교적인 체험을 통해서 자신의 무의식 안에 살아있는 신의 존재를 인식했기에, 일생을 통해 끊임없는 신학적인 질문과 삶 안에 얽혀있는 종교적 문제들과 대면했다. 이는 분명히 제도화된 그리스도교의 소생을 위한 융 자신의 개인적인 관심이고 사랑이었음을 이 논문에서 밝혀보려 한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.