• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.92-109
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• 1999

They say Y$\breve{o}$k'ak(易學) is the root of Oriental studies. This means philosophy, astronamy, geography, medicine, music, numbers are all based on Yin-Yang, and Five phases theory of Y$\breve{o}$k'ak. Nowadays studies are very much specialized but as we go back to old times, we cannot dearly set these studies apart. All the studies can be comprehensively understood with Y$\breve{o}$k'ak(易學). The original purpose of Y$\breve{o}$k'ak is to predict future with highly symbolized signs, Sang-Su(象數). However you cannot fully understand Y$\breve{o}$k'ak without knowing the principle of change in Sang-Su itself. We have to keep thinking about how we should further study Y$\breve{o}$k'ak, treat diseases with Sang-Su, and how Sang-Su can be used in medicine. As a previous step to this process, I will consider relationship of Y$\breve{o}$k'ak and medicine in this paper. This study will help us to set the goal and method in studying medicine. Conclusions of this paper are following: 1. The purpose of understanding a subject is to understand the principle of the subject. The principle of every subject can be turned into principle of changes in the universe. This principle is not affected by time nor space. It is only seen through the changes of subjects. 2. The reason we cannot easily understand the principle is that we have biased mind. How we should overcome this is through developing virtue, and by keep inspecting things over and over. 3. We see the outcome of changes inside but we should not neglect the principle. Therefore we see the principle through Sang. Sang is in between Principle(理) and Things(物), thereby has characteristics of both. Which means it is much like Principle but specific Things is related and it is much like Things but it is not easily understood. 4. There are various kinds of Sang. Mind-Sang(心象) is an image that comes before expressing it with symbols or words. When it is expressed in symbols or words, it is no longer considered as same Sang. Sang in symbol are Kwaesang(卦象), Hyosang(爻象) and Sang in words is Kyesa(卦辭). The characteristic of all these Sang is that it cannot be explained through the logics. 5. If we call Sanghak as the study with Sang, the method is same as that of understanding the principle. The fundamental purpose of Sanghak is to understand the principle of things and then apply this principle to the practical world so that the world can be a better place. So I would say Sanghak is the study of a saint and a ruler. 6. Since the object of medicine is human being who are the mixture of Principle and Ki, we can use Sang which is also related to both Principle and Ki. Actually terms we use in Oriental medicine are not easily understood without the knowledge of Sanghak. 7. When we diagnose a patient, we are looking for Sang that comes from the body inside. When we do the treatment, we cannot neglect the original change that's happening in our body. Therefore studying Sang is a necessary step to do the full diagnosis and treatment. 8. The method of studying medicine is first to get rid of biased mind, taking right Sang from various classics and then apply those Sang to actual situations.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.26
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• pp.175-206
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• 1995

The costume culture of China is as old and varied as her long history. As China is a multiracial nation and consists of fifty-six min-ority races including Han race, there are not only fifty-six different costumes in China but each races' costume habit is very different. Therefore, Chinese penninsula can be considered an enor-mous exhibition center of the costumes. This study undertook on the assumption that the costumes' mainstream of Korea and east-northern Asia as well as that of China could be examined by investigating the minority races' costumes in the east-and west-northern areas of China. The process of evolution of the costume of a particular people, country or area is subject not only to constraints related to geography such as climate, topography or local products but is also affected by numorous environmental influences including cultural, economic, social and even pol-itical ones in terms of the selection of material, styling, color and standard of tailoring. In other words, things like philosophy of life, religious be-lief, aesthetic outlook, moral code, class system, degree of affluence, and cultural exchange will all be reflected directly or indirectly by features of a people's or country's style costume. Of course, there are several factors affecting to the style of costume of the minority people in China. However, the only three factors-geo-graphical and environmental, production method, and religious belef-will be touched in this study. First of all, the geograghical and eenviron-mental factor would be the decisive one because the costume should be designed to overcome the constraints of climate and geographical environ-ments. Accordingly, each race has an unique style of costume. The costume of the minority races in the northern parts are loose and wide, and made of warm furs. For instance, Mongolian robe has the quality of anti-wind, anti-cold and warmness, and the width of a sleeve is narrow and long. Secondly, the costume style can be said to be limited by the production pattern, when the geo-graphical environment was affected to decide the costume style, the production pattern was together affected to it . In case of Mongolian robe, they should satisfy the dual condition as the practical function. One is the condition that they should be fitted to the climate, and the other is the condition that they should be suit-able to the nomadic life. Mongolian robes are suitable to the nomadic peoples because they are designed for not only overcoming the cold wind and weather but being used as the bedquit at night. The costumes of Hoche people was made of the skin of the fish and wild animals because of their main means of living being fishing and hunting. Accordingly, their costumes are dur-able, warm and water-proof. Finally, the style of the costume is affected by the religious belief. In other words, the pattern in fashion is closely related with the religious be-lief or ancestor worship and nature worship. Ac-cordingly, the symbols of these worship are often emerged in the decoration of the costume. The design of costume of the people in the northern areas of China is very simple. It is related with their monotheism. On the other hand, the costumes of twen쇼 minority races in the east-northern parts of China can be devided into three racial groups such as the long robes of Man people and Mongols, Tunics of the peoples in the west-northern areas, and the pants and jackets of Hoche people. The minorority races all has not only the unique costume habit but their costumes are also related with their living style and production means.

• 대한공업교육학회지
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.1-27
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to find out the areas and their constitute elements of new apprenticeship through the expert of vocational education to improve the growth potential in the field of industry. Through the three times Delphi research process final composing areas and elements(total 6 areas and 41 sub-elements) of new apprenticeship were extracted. Followings are specific study results of 41 sub-elements for the 6 areas. In area A(Technology Skill aspect) total nine sub-elements were deducted as follows. Technology skill's field appling ability, new technology skill's acquisition, quality assurance ability, research development ability, material management using ability, problem solving ability, core technology skill understanding ability, idea's imagery expressing ability, creative design ability. In area B(Institutional aspect) total five sub-elements were deducted as follows. Flexible human material support, precise division of works, objective result assessment, institutionalization of responsibilities and liabilities between teacher and student, institutionalization of duty invention reward. In area C(Affective aspect) total eight sub-elements were deducted as follows. Manners and cooperation between teacher & student and peer, values for job, basic attitude for technology, job ethic sense, respect of other organization, active action to organization change, attitude of technology successor, service mind. In area D(Self-improvement aspect) total nine sub-elements were deducted as follows. Self evaluation and reflection, cultivate of organization understanding, career planning and developing ability, sound philosophy of life, communication ability, decision making ability, prepare of individual competence enhance system, self-control ability improvement, reaction of unexpected situation. In area E(Knowledge aspect) total four sub-elements were deducted as follows. Basic knowledge of relevant area, knowledge of new technology & preceding technology, fusion and relocation of knowledge, practical knowledge. In area F(Environmental aspect) total six sub-elements were deducted as follows. Awareness of business environment, understanding of education and practice environment, understanding of apprenticeship's business demand, connectivity of region community, adapt ability of labor market's change, awareness of society environment change.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.32-40
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• 2017

The introduction of neo-Confucianism as the ideological foundation of Joseon, and its root Confucianism have become the origin of the life, scholarship and ideology of the Korean people. Additionally, it was considered the best to follow the teachings of the discipline's advocates including Confucius (孔子), Mencius (孟子), Zisi (子思), ZhuXi (朱子). Among these teachers, ZhuXi was the one who overtly presented the way of self-discipline, of which goal lies in attaining the character by the manifestation of vitality (氣 ki) and rationality (理 i) and contemplating on them. As he regarded natural places with mountains and waters as stages and tools for practicing toward the enlightenment, Confucian scholars in Joseon also followed his example in the spirit of honoring and studying ZhuXi (尊朱子, 學朱子), which became the basic thoughts and practical philosophy among them. Ryu, Junggyo, the neo-Confucian dogmatist, was no exception to applaud the nature, as he designated and ruled Okgye Gugok. On the basis of these backgrounds, this study aims to estimate the geographic places of Okgye Gugok, which was set by Ryu, Junggyo, a Confucian scholar in late-Joseon period, by collecting and analyzing the basic data, starting from Gareung-gun Okgye Sansugi(嘉陵郡玉溪山水記) which is the primary text authored by Seongjae Ryu, Junggyo. The literature study is followed by ten field trips to the estimated locations of Okgye Gugok, and verification of the estimations by three locals who were born and raised in Okgye Gugok. Coordinates and photographs were obtained as spatial data for each location of nine Gok(曲) estimated through this study. They will serve as a primary and critical data for story-telling and tourism resource in Okgye Gugok. The significance of this study is that it provides the primary data for designating the locations of Gok(曲) in Okgyeo Gugok.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2018

This study aims to investigate an aspect of physical palace by reviewing the emergences of tigers and leopards in the palace in Hanyang from the environmental historical perspective. To do so, three topics in environmental history were reviewed including 'environment,' 'impact of human-beings on the environment,' and 'sense and attitude of human-beings on the environment' based on the historical records such as "'Wangjoshilok(王朝實錄)". The results of this study are as follows. First, It was confirmed that leopards and tigers were emerged not only in the palace but also near the City Wall of Hanyang from time to time in Joseon Dynasty. Moreover, tigers lived and propagated in the backyard. Second, This situation may be caused by the natural factors of palace in Hanyang including location, philosophy and technique of building, and so on. That means 'good location' placed by palace worked favorably not only for human-beings but also for the activities of tigers and leopards. Third, In addition to the locational environment, forest policies on the palace and capital may facilitate the emergences of leopards and tigers. With the managements of pine trees, prohibition of burials, prohibition of climbing, prohibition of mountain entrance, and so on, forests were developed in the mountainous territories, which might play a role of shelters or passages for the tigers and leopards. Fourth, It was confirmed that countermeasures on the emergences of tigers in the palace as well as the capital city were different by the kings. Out of these, Jeong-jo was highlighted to seek the realistic countermeasures with actual understanding on the emergences of tigers and leopards. Fifth, In summary, frequent emergences of tigers and leopards in the palace and capital city could be a practical evidence to show 'pro-naturalism' or 'eco-friendliness' of the palace in Joseon which was mentioned superficially, paradoxically speaking. Further studies with the related disciplines are required on the cultural or ecological history of the palace. In addition, it is considered to conduct more detailed scientific studies related to the trend of ecological changes in Joseon.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.387-414
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• 2009

This paper looks into the Confucius customs of Yiphu and Seungjung, that is respectively a problem of deciding the successor of the family and a matter of establishing Jongtong (宗統: the proper inheritance line of the family), especially concerning the funerary and ancestor memorial services through Seongho Lee Ik's discussion on proprieties, whose Yeahak (禮學: Studies on Proprieties) is representative of the eighteenth century Yeahak. Seongho Lee Ik sees that there is one penetrating principle that should apply the same concerning Jongtong, regardless whether it is for the state or for a family or whether it is for the royal family or for the gentry in or out of the state service. To establish this one penetrating principle, he emphasizes the manners that fit one's circumstance and social standing, proposed as the theory and practice of 'Seoin-garyea (庶人家禮: Proper customs that even common people with no official titles can practice in marking their important life events like coming-of-age, marriage, and death)'. These two aspects of Seongho seem at odds with each other at a glance. Yet given that he considers that keeping proprietary manners for their own social standings would help secure the fundamental social order, which is of supreme importance to him, it makes sense. Next, the most problematic issues about Seongjung and Yiphu are the timing when one can declare the 'absence of the patriarch' and the manner how one substitutes oneself for the absent patriarch. Seongho sees that it is one thing to 'inherit the Jongtong' and it is another to 'become a next patriarch'. Basically, he does not separate the problem of Jongtong by one's social standings. The real situation involved can be different based on one's social standing, he readily acknowledges. Yet, 'the unchangeable ethical principle between the father and the son' would prevail over the same regardless of classes, he insists. This attitude of his is in line with his philosophy of proprieties and his practical guidance that proposes 'Seoin-Garyea' with an appeal to establish fundamental social order based on the practice of proper manners in accordance of one's social standing as he philosophizes the rules of Jongtong on the base of the one penetrating principle.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.137
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• pp.57-79
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to explain MacIntyre's critique of moral pluralism of modern society and reveal the limits of his critique of liberalism. It is a distinctive feature of the social and cultural order that we inhabit that disagreements over central moral issues are peculiarly unsettleable. Debates concerned with the value of human life such as those over abortion and euthanasia, or about distributive justice and property rights, or about war and peace degenerate into confrontations of assertion and counter-assertion because the protagonists of rival positions invoke incommensurable forms of moral assertion against each other. We usually call this situation 'modern moral pluralism' and concede as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under free institution. But in After Virtue, MacIntyre vigorously criticizes modern moral pluralism. The main cause he took which brought about this state of affairs was the failure of 'the Enlightenment project'. According to MacIntyre, the Enlightenment project which has dominated philosophy for the past three hundred years promised a conception of rationality independent of historical and social context, and independent of any specific understanding of man's nature or purpose. But not only has that promise in fact been unfulfilled, the project is itself fundamentally flawed and the promise could never be fulfilled. In consequence, modern moral and political thought are in a state of disarray from which they can be rescued only if we revert to an Aristotelian paradigm, with its essential commitment, and construct an account of practical reason premised on that commitment. But one of the deepest difficulties with the argument of After Virtue is that the very extent of its critique of the modern world seems to cast doubt on the possibility of any realistic revival under the conditions of modernity of the Aristotelianism which MacIntyre advocates. Especially when we consider we are not only the characters found in our narratives but also we ourselves are the author of our own narratives. Moral pluralism is not seen as disaster but rather as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under enduring free institutions.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.441-471
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• 2009

Both in the East and the West, the most classical question in political philosophy was 'what is truly a good life?' 'Good life' and 'good politics' are thus essentially tied together. Mencius (孟子, B.C385-303/302) was not exception to this belief. It is not an exaggeration that his Mencius, the treatise that encapsulates his whole views, begins and ends with good life and good politics. He began with new definitions of good life and politics and the rest elaborates why they are so. This paper attempts to systematically approach to what Mencius thinks as a good life in terms of political thoughts. Confucius, his intellectual mentor, asserted that the most humane human life is a civilized life and it means to realize the value of 'Yin (仁: Grace)' and thus set his good life from previous ones. Mencius concurred that Confucius's explication of the good life was right. Moreover, he argued that to realize this, political practice should follow. The 'good life' for Mencius consists of 1) the life in which the ruler does not monopolize joy but shares it with people, that is '$Y{\breve{o}}mindongrak$(與民同樂)' or '$Y{\breve{o}}minhaerak$(與民偕樂)' and 2) the life, based on this political foundation, that pursues the life of 'Five Ethics (五倫)' in which each individual member of society has its share in it. Mencius discussed about 'Four Virtues (四德)', the essential goodness of human, confirmed by 'Four Clues (四端)' to talk about the possibility of realizing the good life. On the other hand, he devised the political device of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$ (仁政: Gracious Politics)' as a practical tool for it. Furthermore, he asserted 'Good people theory (養民論)' as the first condition for the good politics, '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$' and 'Education of people theory (敎民論)' as the final one. As Mencius inherited Confucius effort for a good life with the theory of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$', the so-called Zhuxi scholars inherited his as 'Sugichiin (修己治人: cultivate yourself and then order society)' after 1500.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.61-96
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• 2022

This study tried to explore the ways to operate service learning more effectively by analyzing the educational effects of service learning and changes in learning sentiments that appeared in the service learning operation process established for the realization of the Christian educational philosophy at a small local Christian university. The analysis was conducted using NVivo11, focusing on the reflection journals of students who participated in service learning in the first semester of 2022 at J University. As a result of the study, through service learning, personal competence growth, self-reflection and will to change, self-esteem and self-efficacy, social and civic aspects, social responsibility enhancement, community (community) empathy and awareness of participation, and helping others There were educational effects such as an increase in the breadth of understanding. In addition, learning emotions that appeared in the service learning process included positive emotions such as gratitude, challenge recognition, pride, confidence, and responsibility, and negative emotions such as worry (difficulty), upset, regret, and awkwardness. It is a measure to increase the educational effect based on the learning emotion shown in the service learning process. When operating service learning, the service period at the visiting institution is increased to 6 weeks or more, and based on close interaction and detailed analysis of the educational environment in the planning stage, Suggest to develop and operate a plan. In addition, if you have the opportunity to receive feedback from your professors and colleagues through demonstrations and mock presentations in the classroom before visiting the institution, and finally have the opportunity to visit the institution again after the results of service learning are announced, more quality service learning education will be operated. Based on the results of this study, it is expected that more valuable and meaningful service learning education opportunities will be provided to learners by designing and operating a practical and sophisticated service learning curriculum.