• 영미문화
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.49-72
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• 2010

As the first of Philip Roth's recent series of novels that delve into American Cold War history deeply entwined with the post-war Jewish American experience, American Pastoral traces the tragic fall of a third-generation Jewish American named Seymour "Swede" Levov, whose dream of complete assimilation to the post-ethnic American paradise is irrecoverably disrupted when his young daughter blows up the local post office to protest against the Vietnam War. This essay proposes to examine Swede Levov's interrupted pursuit of the American dream by locating it within specific Cold War contexts and national imaginaries propagated particularly during the years from John F. Kennedy to Lyndon B. Johnson. In so doing, I will argue that Roth presents a paradoxical vision of Jewish American identity that could be acquired by performing perpetual self-effacement and submergence into the non-place of anonymity and doubleness, a mythic location of the post-ethnic Cold War American family. Levov's life becomes true part of the mythic narrative of American history when he realizes that his life, just like the nation's history, is a series of temporalities radically discontinued without any manageable detour ot divine bypass to cross over. Rather than indicating Roth's retraction from the postmodern understanding of subjectivity, the novel's historical realism, I will argue, serves to illuminate the postmodern conditions of American Cold War history and ethnic identity.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.269-291
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• 2014

이 연구 목적은 객관적 자료들에 대한 분석을 통해, 탈냉전 후 무력갈등의 추세와 특징에 대해 검토하는 것이다. 국제적으로 가장 신뢰성과 객관성을 지닌 것으로 평가받고 있는 웁살라대학의 웁살라갈등자료 프로그램(UCDP)의 자료들을 근거로 진행했다. UCDP의 '무력갈등' 개념은 적어도 한 당사자가 국가의 정부인 양 당사자 간에 정부나 영토를 둘러싸고 경쟁하는 비양립성을 지니며, 당사자들의 무력사용에 의한 전투관련 사망자수가 단일 년도 안에 최소 25명 이상인 갈등을 의미한다. 양극체제의 붕괴와 냉전체제의 해체는 국제사회의 무력갈등에도 구조적 개념적으로 큰 변화의 계기가 되었다. 무력갈등의 추세 분석은 무력갈등의 강도, 형태 그리고 대륙별로 지역 차원에서 분류했다. 탈냉전 시기 무력갈등은 냉전 시기와는 다른 특징들을 보여주고 있다. 첫째, 무력갈등의 형태면에서, 국가 간 갈등이 줄어든 반면 국내갈등이 증가했다. 둘째, 강대국들 간에 상호 무력갈등을 자제하면서 이해관계가 걸린 특정지역에 대해서는 해당 강대국의 기득권을 서로 용인하고 있다. 셋째, 무력갈등의 종결 방식이 무력을 통한 승리 보다는 평화적 해결이 강조되고 있다. 넷째, 국경을 경계로 한 갈등을 넘어서 여러 국가에 걸쳐 일어나거나 인접국가로 확산 가능성이 커지고 있다. 다섯째, 갈등 해결과정에서 UN의 역할이 켜졌다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.297-323
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• 2010

냉전기간 중국과 아프리카의 경제관계의 특징은 중국의 '순수한 이념적, 정치적 목적(purely ideological and political purpose)'으로 인하여 아프리카와의 상당한 무역규모에도 불구하고 경제관념이 전혀 대두되지 않았다. 냉전이라는 거대한 시대적 흐름으로 인해 '원조' 또는 '지원' 이라는 개념으로 대체되어 왔던 것이다. 그러나 탈냉전 이후 중국과 아프리카의 관계는 정치적, 이념적 목적이 퇴색하였거나 완전히 배제되는 특징을 보이고 있다. 1990년대 들어 철저한 경제관념, 즉 실용주의(pragmatism)에 입각한 중국에게 있어 아프리카는 안정된 에너지 공급원으로서의 역할뿐만 아니라 물품 수출 및 직접 투자가 가능한 '신흥시장'으로 부각되기에 이르렀기 때문이다. 본 연구는 중국과 아프리카의 냉전과 이후의 경제관계 비교를 통해 드러나는 명확한 차이점을 분석함으로써 중국의 변화된 대(對) 아프리카 경제정책을 이해하고자 한다. 이를 통해 현재 아프리카라는 신흥시장에서 투자와 수출입을 포함하는 통상 관계 전반에 걸쳐 영향력 확대를 위해 심혈을 기울이고 있는 한국에 시사점을 제공하는데 그 목적이 있다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.157-180
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• 2018

Area studies, including Asian and Southeast Asian studies, in the post-Cold War era have been facing an epochal challenge that is rooted in two conditions: on the one hand, the end of the Cold War and the fading geopolitical rationale, and on the other, the emergence of the technology-driven transformation of the global economy and society. The consequences thus far are paradoxical: 1) While the technology-led transformation needs a workforce with critical and innovative abilities, higher education becomes more hyper-utilitarian; 2) While the transformation instigates increasing diversity of identities in global cultures, many countries thrive for STEM education at the expense of learning languages and cultures, including area studies which are essential for diversity. Southeast Asian studies programs need to change in response to these new conditions. These changing conditions and paradoxes, nevertheless, take different forms and degrees in the American, European and Asian academies, thanks to their different histories of higher education. The prospects for Southeast Asian Studies in these various academies are likely to be different too.

• 수완나부미
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.7-47
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• 2020

This article is a sub-section of a comparative analysis of depictions of violence in Jakarta's Museum of the Indonesian Communist Party's Treachery, Ho Chi Minh City's War Remnants Museum, and Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In comparing these public history sites, I analyze how memories of mass violence were central to state formation in both Suharto's anti-Communist New Order (1966-1998), the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976-present), and Cambodia since the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea (1979-present). While this comparison points out specific distinctions about the role of the military, the nature of revolution, and conceptions of gender, it argues for a central similarity in the use of a mythology of victimization in building these post-conflict nation-states. This article focuses on my gendered analysis of the use of images of women and children in each museum. Depending on context and political purpose, these museums cast women as tragic victim, revolutionary heroine, or threat to the social order. My analysis of gender places stereotypical images of violence against women (the trope of women and children as the ultimate victims) in conversation with dark fantasies of women as perpetrators of savage violence and heroic images of women liberated by participation in violence.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.47-72
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• 2009

소련 해체와 이에 따른 냉전 종식 이후 러시아는 미국이 주도하는 국제질서 속에서 자국의 국가이익에 맞는 역할과 위상을 모색해 왔다. 미국의 세계정책에 조건부로 공조하기도 하고, 옛 소련지역을 포함하는 포스트소비에트 공간에 대해서는 자국의 이익을 보호하고 영향력을 복원하려는 적극적인 노력도 경주하고 있다. 그 이유는 포스트소비에트 공간은 에너지 자원 확보와 국제정치 행위자들의 영향력 증대 및 제 국가의 국제사회 위상 제고 등을 둘러싸고 21세기 새롭게 부각하는 러시아와 미국을 위시한 서방세계의 세력 각축장이라고 할 수 있기 때문이다. 특히, 포스트소비에트 공간의 추축국으로 인식되었던 우크라이나는 전통적인 배타적 영향력을 유지하려는 러시아와 소련 해체 이후 지속적으로 영향력을 확대하고자 하는 미국 및 서방 세력이 충돌하며 '신냉전'적 세력경쟁의 양상이 표출되는 지역이다. 이 글은 러시아가 구사하는 군사안보차원의 전략과 정책은 무엇이며, 이것이 포스트소비에트 공간의 주요 국가인 우크라이나에서 어떻게 투사되고 있는지, 그리고 이 과정에서 표출되는 우크라이나 및 서방과 러시아의 갈등 요인은 무엇이며, 그 양상은 어떻게 전개되고 있는가에 대해 고찰하고 있다.

• 해양안보
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.151-184
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• 2021

21세기 최대의 화두 중 하나는 기후이변으로 인한 지구 온난화 현상이다. 지구온난화는 글로벌 생태계를 위협하는 재앙인 동시에, 북극항로의 상용화를 통한 물류비용 절감이나 광물자원 개발 등을 가능케 하는 기회이기도 하다. 지구의 생태·환경 위협과 새로운 경제적 기회가 병존하는 '북극의 역설'이 글로벌 국제환경에 심대한 영향을 미치게 될 것임을 예고한다. 빙하가 사라지면서, 수에즈-파나마 운하를 통과하지 않고 북극해를 통과하는 루트가 '제3의 항로'로 떠올랐다. 이는 기존 항로의 거리를 30% 정도 줄일 수 있다. 아울러 지구 온난화는 지정학적 패러다임의 변화를 몰고왔다. 북극 얼음이 녹아내리기 시작하면서 북극이 '상수'가 아닌 21세기 최대의 지정학적 '변수'로 떠오를 조짐이다. 이에 따라 탈냉전 시대에 들어 '평화와 협력의 공간'으로 인식되던 북극이 군사·안보측면이 강조되는 새로운 전략환경에 직면하고 있다. 냉전종결 이후 한동안 환경보호 등을 중심으로 협력적 모습을 보이던 북극이 다시금 '냉전 2.0'을 예고하며, 강대국들 간의 새로운 경쟁과 대결의 무대로 변모하고 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 북극해의 전략적 가치를 지정학적 및 지경학적 관점에서 평가하고, 북극 일대에서 벌어지는 신냉전 다이내믹을 분석함으로써, 이를 바탕으로 우리에게 주는 전략적 함의를 도출해 보는 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권46호
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• pp.89-122
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• 2020

The longing for submarine manufacture and the fear of her power had exited for a long time, but submarine that could submerge and attack was built from 20th century by science technology development. The question, 'Submarine can exercise her power in naval warfare?' had exited before World War I, but the effective value of submarine was shown in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare during World War I and World War II. Germany and the United States made the best use of submarines at that time. The submarines of these nations mounted fierce attack on the enemy's battleships and merchant ships and blocked the sea lanes for war material. These fierce attack on ships became impossible After World War II, and the major powers reduced and coordinated the defence budget, so they considered the role of submarine. However, submarine is still powerful weapon system because she can secretly navigate under the water, and one of the most important force in the navy. The aim of this thesis is analyzing submarine roles in each naval warfare and integrating maritime strategy and weapon system technology into her roles. First, the research about represent submarine roles like anti-surfaceship warfare, anti-submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, land attack, supporting special operation and mine landing warfare will be presented, then the major naval warfare where submarine participated(during ex-World War I, World War I, World War II, The Cold War Era and post Cold War) and the analyzing of submarine roles by time will be presented. Submarine was developed for anti-surfaceship warfare during ex-World War I but could not make remarkable military gain in naval warfare because her performance and weapon was inadequate. However, the effective value of submarine in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare was shown during World War I and World War II. The major powers put battleships into naval warfare undiscriminatingly to command the sea power and submarines did massive damage to enemy navy power, so put a restraint the maritime power of enemy, and blocked the sea lanes for war material. After World War II, the battlefield situation changed rapidly and the concept of preemption became difficult to apply in naval warfare. Therefore, the submarine was unable to concentrate on anti-surfaceship mission. Especially during the Cold War era, nuclear submarine came to appear and her weapon system developed rapidly. These development gave submarines special missions: anti-submarine warfare and intelligence gathering. At that time, United States and Soviet submarines tracked other nation's submarines loaded with nuclear weapons and departing from naval their base. The submarines also collected information on the volume of ships and a coastal missile launching site in company with this mission. After Cold War, the major powers despatched forces to major troubled regions to maintain world peace, their submarines approached the shores of these regions and attacked key enemy installations with cruise missiles. At that time, the United States eased the concept of preemption and made the concept of Bush doctrine because of possible 911 terrorism. The missiles fired from submarines and surface battleships accurately attacked key enemy installations. Many nations be strategically successful depending on what kind of mission a submarine is assigned. The patterns of future naval warfare that my country will provide against will be military power projection and coalition/joint operations. These suggest much more about what future missions we should assign to submarines.