• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국디지털정책학회 2006년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.39-44
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• 2006

The purport of this paper is to deduce political implication and significance of the proposed redress scheme of 'Consumer Collective Lawsuit (hereinunder "CCL")' under way to be introduced by the Korean government via various assessments per each phase of policy implementation process. To this end, the paper classifies the subject policy (referring to CCL) implementation process into 4 phases: policy origination, policy enactment, policy advertisement, and policy execution. Based on the said classification, assessments per each phase together with pros and cons analysis have been conducted. Through the aforementioned analysis, the paper concludes the following political implication and significance of CCL under way of introduction: - 1. In the case of policy origination led by external parties, a social consensus by and from involved parties with various interests is the most critical; 2. Prior feasibility and/or suitability study is also crucial in the policy implementation procedure; 3. To mitigate inter-ministerial conflicts that might arise from the due policy making procedure, democratization of conflict settlement mechanism, and institutionalization of participation in and disclosure of policy making process are cal led upon; and 4. Prior planning wi th respect to the public relation and advertisements of the subject policy on the table poses substantial significance.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제35권12호
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• pp.1409-1417
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• 2011

This study examines King Louis XVI costumes and his portraits according to symbolic meanings. This study analysis of costumes comes from portraits related various domestic and overseas literature, preliminary study papers, and web sites. Omnipotence, activity, nobility, openness and benevolence were distinguished in the symbolic meaning expressed in the portraits of King Louis XVI. Louis XVI in a portrait was drawn with god or expressed as a martyr and symbolically showed the omnipotence of god. Louis XVI was symbolized as almighty god by maximizing the authority and dignity of the king through the hands of justice that were used as a background or portrait accessory and a costume with the symbol of House of Bourbon. Kings of many generations were expressed as authoritative through portraits. However, Louis XVI showed a proletarian aspect in ordering portraits to reflect the daily working image of communicating with citizens. Active images such as the king riding a horse or administering the state affairs were emphasized in a political and military perspective; in addition, the benevolence of the king was symbolically presented through a family portrait. This symbolically signified that the king is a warm-hearted person who passionately takes care of state affairs and loves the people through a noble element coming from pastel colors and attributes of red colors. Historically, the political incompetence and indifference of kings was fragmentally emphasized; however, these portraits considered the king as one who tried to fulfill duties as the true king with a great interest in politics and the people.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.44-72
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• 2021

This study analyses North and South Koreas' coverage as framed by the main Polish press titles from 1989 to 2019. The main method applied is a computational textual analysis of press articles based on frequency, correlations and co-occurrences. The purpose is to map the topics of the examined articles in the context of relations between Poland and the two Koreas in various areas, predominantly political and economic relations. Emphasis is placed on the impact the carmaker Daewoo's investment in Poland in the mid-1990s had on bilateral Polish-South Korean relations. First, the authors argue that Korean issues in the Polish press, mainly in the second half of the 1990s, particularly concerned economic affairs. Secondly, they argue that after Poland's accession to the European Union in 2004, the country's interest in the two Koreas decreased, and since that time has remained at a more or less constant level. Finally, the authors discuss the outcome of the research in the context of the main developments in Polish-Korean relations, taking into consideration the results of a Polish public opinion survey presenting the international linkages between national public opinion and foreign policy.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.1301-1311
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• 2022

Global climate change brings environmental quality sensitivity, especially in developed countries. Developed countries use non-renewable energy sources intensively both in their own countries and in other countries, they make productions that cause an enormous rate of increase in CO₂ emissions and unsustainable environmental costs. This has increased the interest in environmentally friendly alternative energy sources. The aim of this study is to investigate the impact of nuclear energy consumption and technological innovation on environmental quality in G7 countries using annual data over the period 1970-2015. The Panel Threshold Regression Model was used for the analysis. Empirical findings have indicated that the relationship between nuclear energy consumption and carbon emissions differs according to innovation for nuclear power plants. It was also concluded that nuclear energy consumption reduces carbon emissions more after a certain level of innovation. This result shows that the increase in innovative technologies for nuclear power plants not only increases energy efficiency but also contributes positively to environmental quality.

• 국제교류와 융합교육
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.35-56
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• 2024

이 연구는 중국 의무교육단계 학생 부담경감 최신정책 '쌍감'정책을 중심으로 Kingdon의 정책흐름모형을 활용하여 정책의 흐름을 분석하였다. 데이터의 직관적인 반영, 현행 정책의 피드백 등으로 문제의 흐름을 구성하였다. 중국 정부의 높은 관심, 정치협상회의 위원과 전문가의 건언, 학교 현장과 이해관계자의 강한 요구 등은 정책대안의 흐름을 구성하였다. 집권당의 집권 이념과 교육 지침, 국민 정서, 전환기 이익 게임 등은 정치의 흐름을 구성한 것이다.문제의 흐름,정책대안의 흐름, 정치의 흐름 세 가지 흐름이 결합되어 '정책의 창'이 열리게 된 것으로 분석되었다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제15권7호
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• pp.81-90
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• 2017

본 연구는 2008년 방송통신위원회 설립 과정에서 방송 옹호연합과 정보통신 옹호연합의 전략적 행동을 분석하여 정부조직개편 과정에 대한 시사점을 제시하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 먼저 방송통신융합기구 논의가 왜 장기적인 경쟁과 대립을 겪었는지를 파악하기 위해 방송통신융합정책의 특성을 분석하였다. 방송통신융합정책은 방송 영역과 정보통신 영역간 공익성과 산업성이라는 상충된 이념과 이해관계가 존재하고 있어 장기간 대립 상황에 놓일 수밖에 없었다. 두 영역은 기구개편 논의 과정에서 옹호연합을 형성하여 유리한 결과를 얻기 위하여 전략적 행동을 취했고, 개편 논의는 두 옹호연합간 전략적 행동이 어우러지며 진전되고 있었다. 그러나 정권 교체와 함께 기존의 논의는 무색해지고 개편안은 정치적 협상에 의해 마무리되었다. 정치 논리에 의해 설립된 방송통신위원회는 이후 정치권에 의해 좌지우지되는 모습을 보이며 정책 실패 사례를 양산하며 조직 개편의 부작용을 드러냈다. 이러한 부작용을 최소화하기 위해 조직개편 과정에서 정치성을 최소화하는 제도적 장치의 마련이 필요하며 무엇보다 조직개편을 정치 도구로 사용하는 관행을 극복하는 노력이 필요하다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.254-290
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• 2018

Why did Kim Jong Un turn his foreign policy upside down in a sudden? US naval blockade became one of candidates for the reason since it had been threatened by Trump administration for the first time in December 2017. Has the blockades worked well like that in the international politic history? This paper reveals the effectiveness of naval blockade on sanctioning in the peacetime. This research analyzes three hypothetical arguments about the naval blockade based on the result of empirical tests with TIES Dataset. First, sanctions by blockading are more effective in gaining political benefits than the other economic sanctions. It was ranked the 4th effective way of sanction out of 9. And 56.3% of pacific naval blockades without packaged economic sanctions were succeeded, whereas the possibility of success increase up to 61.2% when blockade has been imposed in accordance with the other type of economic sanctions. Second, blockades deter military collisions, even war. When it comes to military provocation issue, blockading sanctions gain political interest far more than the other type of economic sanctions. The possibility of the success reaches up to 74%. Also, there wasn't any historical cases of war incurred by blockading sanctions within 5 years after the blockade end. Third, policy makers just need 1.2 years on average to see the end of sanctions when they choose the naval blockade as the method of imposing sanction on the adversary. It is impressively short span of time in achieving political goal compared to the other types of sanctions which are need 9 years on average. North East Asia sea could be the next stage for a naval blockade sooner or later. Because China and Japan not only possess capabilities of blockade but also have will to impose blockades to the others if conditions are set. And even the North Korea with lots of submerging forces could be a blockading threat in the specific area. So, the Republic of Korea has to pay more attention and be prepared for naval blockading sanction.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.187-197
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• 2022

본 연구는 온라인 설문조사를 통해 수집된 국내 게이머를 대상으로 게임 장르, 이념의 차이가 존재하는 뉴스 미디어, 미디어 매체에 따른 게임 관련 정보 출처가 게이머 이슈 참여에 미치는 영향에 대해 위계적 회귀 분석으로 검증했다 (N= 1,362). 연구 결과 특정 장르의 게임 플레이가 게이머 이슈 참여에 긍정적인 역할을 수행했다. 진보·중도 언론에 보도된 게임 규제 찬반에 대한 집단행동은 독자들의 동원 신호(mobilization cue)로 작용하고 게이머의 사회적 행동을 독려했다. 반면, 상위 조직 및 이익 집단을 정보 출처로 활용한 보수 언론은 현실 참여 사회에 부정적인 영향을 주었다. 게임 이슈에 관한 매스 미디어의 편향된 보도 행태는 게이머가 시정 행동(corrective action)을 통해 사회적, 정치적으로 행동하는데 영향을 주었다. 본 연구는 정치 이념, 게임 장르, 미디어 이용과 사회적 참여의 관계를 실증적으로 분석한 데에 의의가 있다. 게임 규제 정책 제고와 게임 연구의 이론적, 개념적 확장의 필요성이 요구된다는 시사점을 제공한다.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제56권2호
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• pp.128-144
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• 2023

Objectives: The health system reform process is highly political and controversial, and in most cases, it fails to realize its intended goals. This study was conducted to synthesize factors underlying the failure of health system reforms. Methods: In this systematic review and meta-synthesis, we searched 9 international and regional databases to identify qualitative and mixed-methods studies published up to December 2019. Using thematic synthesis, we analyzed the data. We utilized the Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research checklist for quality assessment. Results: After application of the inclusion and exclusion criteria, 40 of 1837 articles were included in the content analysis. The identified factors were organized into 7 main themes and 32 sub-themes. The main themes included: (1) reforms initiators' attitudes and knowledge; (2) weakness of political support; (3) lack of interest group support; (4) insufficient comprehensiveness of the reform; (5) problems related to the implementation of the reform; (6) harmful consequences of reform implementation; and (7) the political, economic, cultural, and social conditions of the society in which the reform takes place. Conclusions: Health system reform is a deep and extensive process, and shortcomings and weaknesses in each step have overcome health reform attempts in many countries. Awareness of these failure factors and appropriate responses to these issues can help policymakers properly plan and implement future reform programs and achieve the ultimate goals of reform: to improve the quantity and quality of health services and the health of society.