• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political interest

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Politics through Academic Career or Academic Career for Politics Focused on the current status and conditions of Media scholars' political participation (지식을 통한 정치 혹은 정치를 위한 지식 언론학자의 정치 참여 현황과 특징 연구)

  • Kim, Sung Hae;Seo, Bo Yun;Jin, Min Jung;Kang, Kuk Jin
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.79
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    • pp.7-39
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    • 2016
  • Journalism and Mass Communication as an academic field is believed more politicized one than pure literature and natural science. With the growth of the media, there follows additional opportunities for media scholars to take a part in politics as well. Few attention was given to understand the status and mechanism of political intervention either as advisers or decision makers though. This study attempts thus to fill this vacuum. For this, first of all, it examines a various types of laws related to media politics. Total number of 164 scholars who participated in 12 councils and commissions were analyzed on the following step. Research shows that there are patterns which favor Seoul National University, U.S. trained Ph. D and geographic preference to the capital. Neither academic excellence nor commitment to public interest appear to have impact on taking those positions. Taking into account media's expansion into politics, it is inevitable for media scholars to take responsibility not only in policy making but in taking leadership. Accordingly, the question of necessity is not who but how as much as manner. The authors hope this study will be a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in media politics.

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A Comparative Content Analysis of Newspapers in Three Countries-Korea, China and Japan-on the 60th Anniversary of the Historical Event, 8.15 Independence Day (한.중.일 3국 신문의 8.15 보도 비교 분석)

  • Seo, Ra-Mi;Jung, Jae-Min
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.37
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    • pp.237-269
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    • 2007
  • This study examined how newspapers covered the 60th anniversary of the historical event, 8 15 Independence Day. Specifically, five newspapers from three countries were content-analyzed to see differences, if any, based on country level and political ideology of the newspaper. The findings showed that Japanese newspapers yielded less amount of coverage than those of Korea and China. The newspapers of Korea and China used straight news format, while Japanese newspapers used opinion news format. In terms of information source, Korean newspapers and Chinese newspapers mainly relied on the information from the government, while Japanese newspapers took the information from citizen. The difference also revealed that Korean newspapers focused on domestic situation frame and the other countries more emphasized past memory of the War times. Consequently, the three countries showed clearly different perspectives on the same historical event. These distinctions were caused from national interest rather than political ideology of the newspaper.

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Birth and Transformation of the Concept of "Oriental-ness" in Korean Art (한국미술에서의 동양성 개념의 출현과 변형)

  • Chung, Hyung-Min
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.1
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    • pp.109-144
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    • 2003
  • Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

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The possibility of South Korea to become a member state of APSCO: an analysis from Legal and political perspectives (韓國加入亞太空間合作組織的可能性 : 基于法律与政策的分析)

  • Nie, Mingyan
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.237-269
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    • 2016
  • Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO) is the only intergovernmental space cooperation organization in Asia. Since its establishment to date, eight countries have signed the convention and become member states. South Korea participated actively in the preparatory phase of creating the organization, and one conference organized by AP-MCSTA which is the predecessor of APSCO was held in South Korea. However, after the APSCO Convention was opened for signature in 2005 to date, South Korea does not ratify the Convention and become a member. The rapid development of space commercialization and privatization, as well as the fastest growing commercial space market in Asia, provides opportunities for Asian countries to cooperate with each other in relevant space fields. And to participate in the existing cooperation framework (e.g., the APSCO) by the Asian space countries (e.g., South Korea) could be a proper choice. Even if the essential cooperation in particular space fields is challenging, joint space programs among different Asian countries for dealing with the common events can be initiated at the first steps. Since APSCO has learned the successful legal arrangements from ESA, the legal measures established by its Convention are believed to be qualified to ensure the achievement of benefits of different member states. For example, the regulation of the "fair return" principle confirms that the return of interests from the relevant programs is in proportion to the member's investment in the programs. Moreover, the distinguish of basic and optional activities intends to authorize the freedom of the members to choose programs to participate. And for the voting procedure, the acceptance of the "consensus" by the Council is in favor of protecting the member's interest when making decisions. However, political factors that are potential to block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are difficult to be ignored. A recent event is an announcement of deploying THAAD by South Korea, which causes tension between South Korea and China. The cooperation between these two states in space activities will be influenced. A long-standing barrier is that China acts as a non-member of the main international export control mechanism, i.e., the MTCR. The U.S takes this fact as the main reason to prevent South Korea to cooperate with China in developing space programs. Although the political factors that will block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are not easy to removed shortly, legal measures can be taken to reduce the political influence. More specifically, APSCO is recommended to ensure the achievement of commercial interests of different cooperation programs by regulating precisely the implementation of the "fair return" principle. Furthermore, APSCO is also suggested to contribute to managing the common regional events by sharing satellite data. And it is anticipated that these measures can effectively response the requirements of the rapid development of space commercialization and the increasing common needs of Asia, thereby to provide a platform for the further cooperation. In addition, in order to directly reduce the political influence, two legal measures are necessary to be taken: Firstly, to clarify the rights and responsibilities of the host state (i.e., China) as providing assistance, coordination and services to the management of the Organization to release the worries of the other member states that the host state will control the Organization's activities. And secondly, to illustrate that the cooperation in APSCO is for the non-military purpose (a narrow sense of "peaceful purpose") to reduce the political concerns. Regional cooperation in Asia regarding space affairs is considered to be a general trend in the future, so if the participation of South Korea in APSCO can be finally proved to be feasible, there will be an opportunity to discuss the creation of a comprehensive institutionalized framework for space cooperation in Asia.

The Records and Archives Administrative Reform in China in 1930s (1930년대 중국 문서당안 행정개혁론의 이해)

  • Lee, Won-Kyu
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.10
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    • pp.276-322
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    • 2004
  • Historical interest in China in 1930s has been mostly focused on political characteristic of the National Government(國民政府) which was established by the KMT(中國國民黨) as a result of national unification. It is certain that China had a chance to construct a modern country by the establishment of the very unified revolutionary government. But, it was the time of expanding national crises that threatened the existence of the country such as the Manchurian Incident and the Chinese-Japanese War as well as the chaos of the domestic situation, too. So it has a good reason to examine the characteristic and pattern of the response of the political powers of those days. But, as shown in the recent studies, the manifestation method of political power by the revolutionary regime catches our attention through the understanding of internal operating system. Though this writing started from the fact that the Nationalist Government executed the administrative reform which aimed at "administrative efficiency" in the middle of 1930s, but it put stress on the seriousness of the problem and its solution rather than political background or results. "Committee on Administrative Efficiency(行政效率委員會)", the center of administrative reform movement which was established in 1934, examined the plan to execute the reform through legislation by the Executive Council(行政院) on the basis of the results of relevant studies. They claimed that the construction of a modern country should be performed by not political revolution anymore but by gradual improvement and daily reform, and that the operation of the government should become modern, scientific and efficient. There were many fields of administrative reform subjects, but especially, the field of records and archives adminstration(文書檔案行政) was studied intensively from the initial stage because that subject had already been discussed intensively. They recognized that records and archives were the basic tool of work performance and general activity but an inefficient field in spite of many input staff members, and most of all, archival reform bring about less conflicts than the fields of finance, organization and personnel. When it comes to the field of records adminstration, the key subjects that records should be written simply, the process of record treatment should be clear and the delay of that should be prevented were already presented in a records administrative meeting in 1922. That is, the unified law about record management was not established, so each government organization followed a conventional custom or performed independent improvement. It was through the other records administrative workshop of the Nationalist Government in 1933 when the new trend was appeared as the unified system improvement. They decided to unify the format of official records, to use marker and section, to unify the registration of receipt records and dispatch records and to strengthen the examination of records treatment. But, the method of records treatment was not unified yet, so the key point of records administrative reform was to establish a unified and standard record management system for preventing repetition by simplifying the treatment procedure and for intensive treatment by exclusive organizations. From the foundation of the Republic of China to 1930s, there was not big change in the field of archives administration, and archives management methods were prescribed differently even in the same section as well as same department. Therefore, the point at issue was to centralize scattered management systems that were performed in each section, to establish unified standard about filing and retention period allowance and to improve searching system through classification and proper number allowance. Especially, the problem was that each number system and classification system bring about different result due to dual operation of record registration and archives registration, and that strict management through mutual contrast, searching and application are impossible. Besides, various problems such as filing tools, arrangement method, preservation facilities & equipment, lending service and use method were raised also. In the process this study for the system improvement of records and archives management, they recognized that records and archives are the identical thing and reached to create a successive management method of records and archives called "Records and Archives Chain Management Method(文書檔案連鎖法)" as a potential alternative. Several principles that records and archives management should be performed unitedly in each organization by the general record recipient section and the general archives section under the principle of task centralization, a consistent classification system should be used by classification method decided in advance according to organizational constitution and work functions and an identical number system should be used in the process of record management stage and archive management stage by using a card-type register were established. Though, this "Records and Archives Chain Management Method" was developed to the stage of test application in several organizations, but it was not adopted as a regular system and discontinued. That was because the administrative reform of the Nationalist Government was discontinued by the outbreak of the Chinese-Japanese War. Even though the administrative reform in the middle of 1930s didn't produce practical results but merely an experimentation, it was verified that the reform against tradition and custom conducted by the Nationalist Government that aimed for the construction of a modern country was not only a field of politics, but on the other hand, the weak basis of the government operation became the obstacle to the realization of the political power of the revolutionary regime. Though the subject of records and archives administrative reform was postponed to the future, it should be understood that the consciousness of modern records and archives administration and overall studies began through this examination of administrative reform.

A Current Conditions and Improvement Directions of the Certification System for Performing Arts Professionals (무대예술전문인 자격제도의 현황 분석 및 발전 방향)

  • Lee, Jang-Weon;Im, Jee-Weon
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.10 no.6
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    • pp.258-274
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    • 2010
  • Along with hardware implementation of cultural arts, the importance of cultivating and securing professionals who are able to operate and mange it from the political perspective is highlighted as a political issue. In addition, with growing public demand for culture, performing arts are enlarged and professionalized, and this increased the number of large-scale musicals and activated exchanges with overseas performances, which raised the demand for personnel of performing technology. Like this, growing theaters require professionals in the performing technology field for technically safe and quality performance. The certification system for performing arts professionals is to develop quality of theaters and performing arts by increasing vocational professionalism and safety in the performing technology field. This system performed since 2000 is getting positioned, and employees who worked for the performing technology field at this time showed a lot of attentions with certainty they would receive credit for artistic professionalism and raise pride as a performing arts professional. However, the government's political strategy to secure professionals of cultural arts and interest in human resource(HR) policy in the performing arts field were relatively insufficient. Therefore, this study examined the problems by looking into actual conditions regarding operation and role under the initial purpose of the certification system, and purposed the improvement plan as a first certification system to cultivate Korean performing arts professionals.

The Political Ecology of Salmon: Production and Conservation of 'Nature' in Ecotourism (연어의 정치생태학: 생태관광에서 나타나는 '자연'의 생산과 보존)

  • Jang, Hanbyeol;Chi, Sang-Hyun
    • Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.139-155
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    • 2018
  • This study investigates the processes of the "Production of Nature" and the preservation and exploitation of nature in the local festival. The recent discussions in tourism geography address the neoliberalization of nature with its political-ecological interpretation. Yangyang-gun has been one of the main regions that have made efforts to make salmon back to the streams. Also, the Yangyang Salmon Festival was organized to celebrate and symbolize the successful restoration of nature. In fact, however, the festival focuses on the commercialization of salmon. Moreover, it is hard to consider Namdaecheon as the successfully restored ecosystem for salmon. As the returning number of salmon has not significantly increased and the festival itself has not been successful to attract many tourists, the local people show declining interest on the conservation of salmon. Contrast to the catchphrase of the festival to emphasize the conservation of nature and restoration of ecosystem, there are still many hurdles that jeopardize returning of salmon. This controversy leads diverse actors into conflict over the conservation of salmon and Namdaecheon. The players in the dispute encompass local people, local and national governments and international organization. Nature appropriated for ecotourism is selectively defined, used and emphasized by the interests of agencies at multiple scales. The findings of this study show that the concept of "Produced Nature" is more useful than intrinsic or original perspective on nature as long as we try to understand the commercialization of nature that is appropriated for the repertoire of local festival.

Comparative Analysis of Mainstream O1line News Use with Alternative Online News Use -In the Aspens of the Users' Characteristics, the Attitude on Online News Sites, and Using Pattern.- (주류 인터넷 언론과 대안 인터넷 언론의 이용 비교 -이용집단의 특성, 이용자의 뉴스사이트에 대한 태도 뉴스 이용 패턴-)

  • Park, Sun-Hee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.26
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    • pp.259-289
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    • 2004
  • In this study, the use of mainstream online news site and alternative online news site were compared in the aspects of users' characteristics, attitude on online news sites, and using pattern. A survey was conducted for 182 mainstream-only users, 46 alternative online news users, and 47 both sites users, Also, their traffic data of online news sites were analyzed during the 16th presidential election. As a result, it was found that both sites users had the highest political interest and the most progressive political position among the user groups. In the aspect of users' attitude, mainstream-only users were most positive to the mainstream online news site and both sires users were most positive and more involved in alternative online news site. But all user groups set higher credibility on alternative online news site than mainstream online news sire. In the comparison of user size, mainstream online news site has larger user size than alternative online site. However, the user royalty, such as time per person, pages per person, and visiting days per person, was lower than that of the latter. These results suggest thar small but differentiated news sires have royal users, and online news users be segmented according to news contents.

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Social Media Analysis Based on Keyword Related to Educational Policy Using Topic Modeling (토픽모델링을 이용한 교육정책 키워드 기반 소셜미디어 분석)

  • Chung, Jin-myeong;Park, Young-ho;Kim, Woo-ju
    • Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.53-63
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    • 2018
  • The traditional mass media function of conveying information and forming public opinion has rapidly changed into an environment in which information and opinions are shared through social media with the development of ICT technology, and such social media further strengthens its influence. In other words, it has been confirmed that the influence of the public opinion through the production and sharing of public opinion on political, social and economic changes is increasing, and this change is already in use on the political campaign. In addition, efforts to grasp and reflect the opinions of the public by utilizing social media are being actively carried out not only in the political area but also in the public area. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of using social media based public opinion in educational policy. We collected media data, analyzed the main topic and probability of occurrence of each topic, and topic trends. As a result, we were able to catch the main interest of the public(the 'Domestic Computer Education Time' accounted for 43.99%, and 'Prime Project Selection' topics was 36.81% and 'Artificial Intelligence Program' topics was 7.94%). In addition, we could get a suggestion that flexible policies should be established according to the timing of the curriculum and the subject of the policy even if the category of the policy is same.

A Political Economic Analysis of Decentralization: Fiscal Autonomy and Primary System (지방분권제도에 대한 정치경제학적 분석: 재정자치 및 국회의원경선제도)

  • Kim, Jaehoon
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.27-69
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    • 2009
  • This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

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