• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.11
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• pp.47-58
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• 2012

This study selects political and military decision factors of Participatory Government's Wartime Operational Control(OPCON) Transition and analyzes, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the effects and relations between those factors. Previous research utilizing the Analytic Hierarchy Process(AHP) selected their decision factors based on academic data and field experience, requiring more objective analysis of the factors. For this study, we conducted a survey among security subject matter experts(SME) both online and offline. The results show that OPCON transition's decision factors were to 'recover military sovereignty', 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' and 'improve ROK image through enhancing national power' which differs little from the previous AHP method studies. It also showed that 'recover military sovereignty' and 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' had no relationship to each other and that the key factor that decided the OPCON Transition was actually 'recover military sovereignty' which represents the interest of the liberal party in ROK. This study finds its meaning by analyzing the decision factors of Participartory Government's OPCON Transition thorugh Delphi and DEMATEL method.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.955-970
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• 2004

With the flow of globalization, world aviation markets are showing growing trends toward liberalization, deregulation, and privatization. At the same time, also apparent is a strong trend toward regionalism on aviation markets to realize open skies at the regional level. This research examines the recent trend of regionalism in the world aviation market from a political economic perspective, taking a single European aviation market as an example. The results show that the creation of a single European aviation market is the EU's strategic response against the US to enhance the European aviation industry's competitiveness. More specifically, the results show that the European countries are creating a single European aviation market in order to stand against the US' so-called 'divide and nile policy' and 'encirclement strategy' and to make their airliners to have competitive advantages over the US airliners on the lucrative North-Atlantic air routes. Recently, the single European aviation market is expanding by including the Mediterranean and Balkan states to pursue Pan European aviation cooperation and to develop European Common Aviation Area so that it can continuously enhance its negotiating leverage against external markets. The results imply that it is urgent for the Northeast Asian countries to create their own regional aviation bloc to develop their aviation industry and to increase their negotiating power against external countries.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.75-115
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• 2015

This study is to describe the meaning of associations at $5{\cdot}18$-related photographic portrait phenomenologically. Referent in the photography arouses different and unique type of associations. Moreover, it appears differently emotional experience by the associations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe types of associations and emotional experience about referents gained through $5{\cdot}18$ photography and to construct the meaning. It is based on concepts of primordial associations discussing in the phenomenology but this study was described the meaning of $5{\cdot}18$ the May 18th democratic uprising focusing on types of associations and meanings derived by direct experience from photography. According to this result, the viewpoint of $5{\cdot}18$ Democracy Movement approaches from objective academic system or cannot be withdrew as dynamics of the political ideology. It is that the fundamental and impulsive emotions from each individual who participated in the movement are affected. The fundament of the May 18th democratic uprising is based on their basis of life and the will to primitive power of a love & affective community.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.1
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• pp.343-368
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• 2011

This Study aims to criticize national pension fund governance reform plan of Korea government and to search for an alternative direction of the reform. Firstly, I examine the theoretical basis of the Korean government reform plan by clarifying limits of application of agency theory to the public pension fund governance. Secondly, I try to reconstruct principles of the public pension fund governance with an alternative theoretical view emphasizing democracy principle. Thirdly, I evaluate the government reform plan with the basis of reconstructed pension fund governance principles. The government reform plan is expected to cause retrenchment of democracy and even political autonomy. It also would make worse the problem of pension fund autonomy from the financial market and the risk of the pension fund caused by market turbulence. Finally I suggest alternative direction of the pension fund governance reform emphasizing the democracy principle. This direction contains constructing co-determination structure of the state and the civil society, escalating controling power of the governing body to the administration body, setting the limits of the roles of the state, attaining of the autonomy from the financial market, strengthening organizational and social accountability.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.5-31
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• 2015

The Republic of Korean Navy (ROKN) started from scratch. However, ROKN demonstrated its Blue Navy capabilities successfully to the entire world by conducting "Operation Early Dawn" at the Aden Bay, Yemen in Jan 2011. On the event of the 70th anniversary of the ROKN, I would like to retrospect past gleaning from voyages and challenges we had in the past. At the very inception of the ROKN, Korean government as well as senior military leaders recognized that it had no time to spare to clean up military those were insinuated deeply by communist agents. It was the top priority of the government. The Mongumpo Operation which was not well known, conducted by ROKN was one of the clean-up drive. The Korean War sometimes called as "a fire from land put-off at the sea". The world famous "Incheon Landing" which reversed war situation from the Nakdong Perimeter also done by Sea Power. ROKN conducted various maritime operations including not only Incheon Landing, but amphibious operation at Hungnam, mine sweeping, sea convoy, Wonsan Withdrawal. On the same day of the Korean War started, 25th June 1950, unless the victory of the ROKNS Baekdusan (PC 701) at the Korean Strait, the waning lamp light of Korea could not be rekindled by the participation of the U.N. The ROKN rescued the 17th regiment of Korean Army from the isolation at the Ongjin Peninsular and transported gold and silver bars stored at the Bank of Korea to the Navy supply deposit in Jinhae safely. ROKN special intelligence unit conducted critical HUMINT which led Incheon Landing success. One of important mission ROKN conducted successfully was not only transporting war fighting materials but also U.S. provided grains to starving Koreans. ROKN participated Vietnam campaign from 1960s and conducted numerous maritime transportation operations supplying materials to Vietnam military forces along the long coastal lines. Experienced Naval Officers and enlisted men who discharged and acquired as merchant marine certificate supported most of the U.S. sea lift operations throughout the Vietnam campaign. ROK-US Combined Forces which had been honed and improved its war fighting capabilities through the Korean War and out of Vietnam jungle playing key deterrent against threat from north Korea. However, those threat level will be completely different when north Korea finish its nuclear weapon ambition. In order to stand firm against north Korean nuclear threat, I would like to expect strong political leadership supporting nuclear submarine for ROKN.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.902-913
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• 2014

This paper deals with the novel concept of neo-endogenous rural development which has been applied to explain the contemporary features of the European rural development. The notion of neo-endogenous rural development has been emerged in Europe because the pervious dichotomous concepts of exogenous and endogenous development are no longer useful for explaining the relationship between the local actors and the central or regional administrative organisations. The concept argues that the changing situation of rural regions at the initial stages of endogenous development could only be identified by the concept of neo-endogenous perspectives. Therefore, it tries to apply the concept for the Korean rural development policy which is called Regional Agricultural Cluster scheme. Explaining the development processes and the problems of the farmers group which carried out the project in a local level, this paper argues that the severe conflict between the farmers group and the City Office may be a typical incident of the neo-endogenous development. It expresses the power relations between the local groups and the political managing authority. With the case of the Prundle, it concludes that the neo-endogenous development is the essential stage for all the endogenous development to go through as an transitional one.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.37-37
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• 2012

The study aims to evaluate the complexity of relationships between the riparian states - China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia - in the Mekong River Basin since the mid-1990s with special reference to the discourse on hydropower development. A special emphasis will be put on the influence of China on hydropower development. Although a variety of issues on the river basin have been discussed among the riparian states, none of them has been effectively implemented owing to the lack of China's commitment to the discussions for sustainable water management. Now, a new turning point is observed in the region with emergence of the issue on hydropower development, not only in the upper basin but also in the lower basin. The discourse on hydropower in Mekong has quickly drawn attention of the public, accelerated by the onset of construction of the Xayabury Dam in Laos since November 2010. The influence of China as the upstream country with its political, economic, and military power has increasingly grown in the region over the last few decades, and such trend recently intensifies together with an expansion of Chinese commercial interests in the region. Since the establishment of the Mekong River Commission (MRC) in 1995, the four MRC members have striven to push forward a sustainable use of water resources in the basin. But the legitimacy of the MRC system has been eroded due to the lack of participation by Myanmar and China, and in particular, the Chinese absence has made the four riparian states blind about the change of water regime due to the Chinese dams upstream. Environmental damages due to hydropower development might be possible, including a drop of fish yields, crop production, and damages to the river's ecosystems. Vietnam and Cambodia have already expressed their concerns over the dam construction towards China as well as Laos by pointing out detrimental impacts of the dams to their economies. China's move to collaborate with the other riparian states since 2010 has given a positive signal in terms of sustainable water management in the river. However, this phenomenon never confirms China's proactive contribution to the cooperative activities within the framework of the MRC system. Laos' initiative to build a new dam in the lower basin alarms those who are opposed to dam construction in the fear of its far-reaching damages to the environment. The question goes back to the year-long debate on policy priorities given to economic growth or the environment. The riparian states require wisdom based on a consensus about sustainable water use rather than hydropower development based on individual growth dreams.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.123-144
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• 2012

In the modern society in which globalization and localization proceed simultaneously, diversified and rapid migration of diaspora makes a new from of boundary off the frame of the state and the nation. This new border accompanies cultural change and racial mixture; retains ethnic conflict, the gap between rich and poor, alienation and discrimination, as well as power conflict; and extends its influence. Nowadays, the countries all over the world including Korea face problem of Diaspora in numerous forms. And each country takes an approach to the problem of the diaspora in the aspects of their society, culture and political technology. This implies that most countries, without understanding the new form of border which is alive and dynamic, define and conceptualize the diaspora in the frame of one state and one nation to carry forward the policies accordingly, resulting in inequal, incomplete and awkward homogenization. This study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora, the core for the problem solving. Of course, studies about the identity of the diaspora have been continued until today and many great outcomes have been achieved. Nevertheless, this study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora and the national policies which have a close interrelationship with it. It is because the study ultimately aimed to highlight the interrelationship between the destination countries, Russia and China, and the diaspora, through the definition and the classification of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora and the analysis of the national policies about that. However, the intention was not to distinguish superiority through the comparison of the polices about the diaspora between two countries, but to focus on the diversity of the identity of the diaspora through defining each different diaspora and paralleling the policies. Second, the reason for looking into the diaspora policies of these two countries is because it is judged the changes in the diaspora policies of each country is one of the active factors for the changes in the identify of the diaspora of each country and it is the basic research for the study on the identity of the diaspora. New migration of diaspora changes the identity of the state, and the state makes the policies and enforce the policies, resulting in the influence on the diaspora. This interaction acts as the growth factor for the new boundary. The causes of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora show apparent 'differences'. In parallel with this, the policies about the diaspora in Russia and China arouse 'differences' to the diaspora. The variation of the identity of the diaspora made by these differences will suggest other viewpoints on the diaspora, and these viewpoints will become the foundation for solving the problem of the diaspora in the present times.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.119-130
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• 1999

As Japanese economy has been well developed, the manpower problem of farmland has also become one of the largest and the most crucial issues in the overall agricultural policy of the Japanese Government. Particularly, the energetic younger generation and a core of agricultural labor force, has drastically decreased, while the weak older generation has increased. The severity of manpower shortage in agricultural sector led to create a farmer training programs which had been vigorously begun by the Yamagata Prefecture, and a center for promoting local autonomy. The major purpose of education for enhancement of status of future farmers as well as the welfare of core farmhousehold is to provide them with technical of vocational education to give training to those who want to become agricultural technicians, rural leaders of practical farmers Educational program for future and young farmers put emphasis on practical trainings which are directly applied to proper farm management. As a supporting policy for promoting future farmers' activities, Prefecture-level supports were strengthened to develop technical capability, managerial and supervisory ability, and the ability to lead organized activity so that the farm youth may operate modern farms with higher efficiency and greater specialization. Political consideration was also made to develop a rich sense of farm management as well as the adaptability necessary to introduce technical and managerial innovations. Methological measurements on how the Korean government has to do for solving the problem of agricultural manpower facing in farmland in Korea were noted.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.