• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-63
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• 2011

This study is to make an effective forecasting model for turn-out rates of the candidates with their visibilities, which are measured in their names on the media during the election period. I make a regressive model, with the data of 2010 gubernatorial election in Korea, where turn-out rate is dependent variable and each candidate's visibility, incumbency effect, local control party effect, corruption effect, strategy voting effect, restrain effect as a mid-term evaluation, and policy effect are independent variables. I got the model, T = -4.65 + 1.02V + 16.90 I + 16.78L - 9.12 R, where T is turn-out rate, V is candidate's visibility, I is incumbent effect, L is local control party effect, and R is restrain effect. This function can be used to predict turn-out rates of the candidates in the forthcoming gubernatorial election in Korea at a small outlay.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.161-169
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• 2012

It requires a lot of costs and manpower to manage the election system. The electronic voting scheme is needed to make the election system to be economic and fair. Especially, wide spread use of smart phones and wireless networks makes the mobile voting is of major concern. In mobile voting scheme, a smart phone user can vote regardless of the places. In this paper, the mobile voting scheme is proposed where candidates can guarantee fairness of the election system. We analyze mobile voting requirements and create the mobile ID which has legal binding forces and PKI based digital signature keys. In the proposed scheme, a voter's ballot is signed by all candidates using undeniable multi-signature scheme. During the counting stage, the multi-signature on the ballot is not verified without help of all candidates.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.138-161
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• 2012

This study is designed to explore the function of Twitter as a campaign platform during election campaign. For exploring the function of Twitter the form of tweet, the type of information on tweet and the way of opinion expression via Twitter were discussed by content analysis. This study finds, first, that, netizens express their opoinion of candidates without foundation and with emotional reactions. Second, they showed somewhat conflictive reactions according to their supporting candidates. This study conceptualized various kinds of public as 'blindly support public,' and 'blindly opposition public' in case of Park's supporters, 'rational support public,' and 'critical opposition public' in case of Na's supporters. Third, Park's supporters debated Na candidate's attitude of debate and her appearance blindly without foundation. Na's supporters argued Park's attitude of debate and his ignorance of Seoul Metropolitan government's policy blindly without foundation. Finally, this study discussed the relationship between the political discourse according to netizens' supporting via Twitter and the results of election. Park whose supporters attacked the opposing candidate by blaming her appearance and her attitude of debate won the election. Na didn't overcome her negative images. For her Twitter functioned as a media which is spreading negative factors about her. In conclusion, Twitter as a campaign platform during election times plays a key role in discussing candidates. However, netizens need to express their opinions with foundation and the candidates have to consider negative issue management. This study highlights the importance of peripheral factors which have a decisive effect on the results of election. The results of this study is useful for building political campaign strategy by candidates.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.516-538
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• 2015

This study applies policy network theory to examine the main policy actors and their relations in the green growth policy making process. Also the development of and changes in South Korean government's green growth strategy are analyzed. The results demonstrate that the president and the presidential council were the key players to introduce and to push green growth policy in a short time. Policy influence and key roles were concentrated on them. The development of green growth policy were initiated from the president's change in perceived problems and preferences. He set green growth policy on the government's top priority. These changes lead to another changes in strategies, rules, norms and resources within the network. As a result, the president-led green growth policy established new laws, environmental regulations and governmental structures to facilitate the policy implementation. Green growth policy, however, was almost stopped after new presidential election in 2013. Because new government has a different national agenda, the previous governmental agenda lost its status as national priority. In addition, this study shows that government-led green growth in Korea has policy consistency problem after administration was changed by presidential election. Former president-led green growth policy making under the situation of the lack of policy participation from the private sector led to discontinuities in policy after a presidential term was over.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.163-209
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• 2011

This study empirically analyzes whether political rent-seeking behavior exits in Korea. The empirical analysis shows that there is a cyclical decline in aggregate revenue immediately following the election year. However, when using other aggregate fiscal variables including aggregate revenue, fiscal balance, tax and public burden ratio, no such cyclical deterioration are found. By sector, the expenditures of the economic affairs show a cyclical increase in the year right after the election. In addition, as the ratio of ruling party senators to total senators is high, the expenditures of the economic affairs tend to increase more and this tendency becomes more stronger right after the presidential election year. Such a result turns out to be consistent even when the expenditure was analyzed separately from the mandatory and discretionary expenditures by sector. This is a testimony to the existence of political rent-seeking behavior in Korea.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.67-90
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• 2022

The March 2022 presidential election held at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic drew flak for undermining the principle of universal suffrage by failing to guarantee properly the voting rights of confirmed and quarantined persons. Guaranteeing their voting rights requires thinking about e-voting that can fundamentally overcome the temporal and spatial limitations of current paper voting polling stations. The question is how to deal with the increased possibility of contradicting or violating the principles of equality and direct and secret suffrage due to the expansion of universal suffrage. In order to obtain implications for this, we looked at the case of Estonia, which has been holding 11 national elections without any problems since the introduction of e-voting in 2005. Estonia was successfully building trust in the system, government, and society through the institutionalization and routinization of the overall socio-technical system of e-voting, along with political and constitutional agreements on the principles of elections. Therefore, we should not only consider the possibility of e-voting in terms of technological development and level but also discuss the establishment of trust by mediating conflicts between election principles from a normative point of view to reach a social consensus.

• American Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.23-55
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• 2019

Do international economic factors affect the result of gubernatorial elections? This research aims to explain the reasons that local elections are not influenced by international economic factors such as US-China trade dispute. Although previous studies show the mixed results about the relationship between economic factors and gubernatorial electoral outcome, this research argues at least three explanations can be identified. First, there is a perceived gap between the candidates and local voters on the effect of trade disputes. Local voters do not consider the trade dispute as immediate threats, and candidates only use the trade dispute for attacking rivals. Where the functional responsibilities are unclear among elected officials between federal and local government, voters tend to cast votes based on their party identification. In the case of trade policy, functional responsibility is murky between the president and governor; voters may not judge the governor incumbent or candidates on state economic condition.