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A Study on the Naejeong (內庭) of Daesoon Jinrihoe Temple Complexes: Focusing on Literary Sources and Context (대순진리회 도장 건축물 내정(內庭)에 대한 연구 - 내정의 문헌 출처와 그 맥락을 중심으로 -)

  • Cha, Seon-keun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.37
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    • pp.1-52
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    • 2021
  • The Naejeong, the inner court, which is one of the structures found in the temple complexes of Daesoon Jinrihoe. It serves the function of leading and controlling the operation and direction of Korean religions in general. Considering that the dictionary meaning of 'Naejeong' is 'a place to manage the affairs of the state from inside a palace,' the name and function of the structure appear to be in harmony. However, in the Daesoon Jinrihoe context, it is said that the name 'Naejeong (內庭 'Neiting' in Chinese)' is related to a verse from a Daoist scripture. It has not been revealed whether or not the scripture is historical, and what contents or contextual meanings it contains. This study tries to pursue this matter and introduce the original source of the Naejeong in Daesoon Jinrihoe as likely coming from Qianbapinxianjing (前八品仙經, The Former Scripture of the Eight Phases That Reveal the Means to Acquire Immortality). This scripture was compiled in Lüzu-quanshu(呂祖全書, The Entire Collection of Ancestor Lü). This text and its contextual meanings will also be examined. The origin of Qianbapinxianjing dates back to either the late Ming Dynasty or the early Qing. In those days, there existed a group of literati who worshipped Ancestor Lü because he had saved people and taught the art of immortality. The group organized Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars (鸞壇道敎) and invoked the spirit of Ancestor Lü. They were said to have been taught through messages received from spirit-writing sessions (降乩) with Ancestor Lü and several Daoist scriptures were composed by them in this manner. At Immortals-Gathering Pavilion (集仙樓) of Wandian (萬店) in Guangling (廣陵), China, some literati in that group conducted a spirit-writing session with Ancestor Lü between 1589 and 1626, and they produced a scripture which contained the passage, "A crow and a rabbit gather in the middle valley (烏兎結中谷) while a turtle entwined with a snake is in the inner court (龜蛇盤內庭)." They titled the scripture, The Five Movements and Filial Piety (五行端孝). This passage symbolically expresses the accomplishment of immortality in Neidan (internal alchemy) which, within the human body, combines the two energies of yin and yang which are Water and Fire in the Five Movements scheme. This kind of cultivation is said to be achieved only by maintaining the highest possible degree of filial piety. In this context, the Naejeong where a turtle is entwined with a snake (龜蛇合體) was a term that symbolically depicted a place wherein one transforms into an immortal through cultivation. The Five Movements and Filial Piety was included in Qianbapinxianjing after it had been compiled with the other scriptures containing Ancestor Lü's teachings. In 1744, Qianbapinxianjing was included in Lüzu-quanshu, the entire 32-volume collection of Ancestor Lü and printed for the first time. This underlies the belief in Ancestor Lü (呂祖信仰) which embraces the idea of the redemption of people, teaches the arts of immortality, and features Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars, filial piety, the art of Neidan, and the combination of Water and Fire.

A Reinterpretation of the Differences between the Tales of Jinmuk shown in The Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk and The Canonical Scripture: Highlighting Differences between Literary Transmission and Oral Transmission (『진묵조사유적고』와 『전경』에 나타난 진묵 설화의 차이에 대한 재해석 -문헌 전승과 구전 전승의 차이를 중심으로-)

  • Kim Tae-soo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.41
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    • pp.179-217
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    • 2022
  • Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.