• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.113-120
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• 2013

The victory of Barack Obama in the presidential reelection, in which he got closer to voters by scientific election strategy based on data, is making a new paradigm of this scientific election mechanism. But it is within bounds to say that Korean election has developed based on emotional confrontation, rather than on the confrontation of policy or personal qualification. This study suggests a Big data-based election campaign strategy in an effort to reduce the harmful consequences of Korean election and to settle down a desirable campaign culture. To do so, this study examines the actual status and problems of Korean politics and election campaign. And then it designs a Korean election strategy model using Big data as an alternative to break through the problems. Last, it discusses the plan to utilize Big data.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.314-325
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• 2013

Background: Stem cell research competition is accelerating globally since President Obama signed an executive order, repealing Bush-era policy that limited use of federal tax dollars for embryonic stem cell research. Methods: In this paper, we conducted a comparative analysis of stem cell research policy changes in three countries, including the Human Fertilisation Embryology Act (HFEA) of UK, executive order 13,505 (removing barriers to responsible scientific research involving human stem cells) of USA, and Bioethics and Safety Act of South Korea. Debates on stem cell research are based on conflicts of fundamental beliefs that exist in the supporting and opposing coalitions. We compared regional characteristics of the advocacy coalitions in three countries and presented various factors that might be related to the policy changes. Results: The UK government, parliament, and the HFEA have sought expert consultations and public opinions to establish guidelines. UK has made social consensus through continued discussion for a long time. US President's veto power was one strongest factors influencing policy. South Korean policy was influenced by public opinion and policy brokers. Also, South Korea has not made social consensus. UK had a strong leadership and strong adjustment of coalitions but US and South Korea had not. Dr. Hwang's scandal has had one of the greatest impacts on policy decision in South Korea. Conclusion: The power of public opinion was critical in all three countries. In particular, the influence of public opinion was noticeable in South Korea. Also it turned out that in US and South Korea, the presence of a policy broker who could pursue his or her goals was the most powerful factor among the advocacy coalition factors.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.133-160
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• 2016

The purposes of this study were to examine the college tuition and student aid policies in the USA and to provide implications to Korean higher education. To accomplish these purposes, college tuition policies and student financial aid policies by federal and state governments in the United States were analyzed. Regarding tuition policies, the federal government has tried to minimize the impact of recent tuition increases by using methods like establishing various college affordability acts and government regulations. As a result, the federal government established a new law and was able to publicize a list of higher education institutions charging higher tuition levels and increasing tuition and fees at a higher rate. State governments also have introduced and implemented tuition policies such as tuition caps and linking tuition increase to student financial aid. Regarding student financial aid policies, Obama administration has emphasized grant programs which, unlike loan programs, have no further burden placed upon students. These efforts certainly produced desired results. Related policy implications from this study were provided for tackling tuition issues in Korean higher education.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.192-209
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• 2014

The important national cultural heritages were retrieved. April 25 2014, US President Barack Obama formally returned 9 Seals of Joseon Dynasty and Korean Empire in Korea-US Summit taken place in Cheong Wa Dae. These Seals were taken out of Deoksugung illegally by a US Marine Corps officer during Korean War, handed down to his posterity, and last November 2013 confiscated by HSI in San Diego. Through investigations above facts turned out and it was decided to return these relics to Koera. In the process of surveying these seals, I confimed the authenticity of them and transferred my opinion to Cultural Heritage Administration. In this paper, I try to summarize the historical value of each Seals and suggest the remaining task.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2019

Backgrounds : The market of Complementary Alternative Medicine(CAM) in the United State(U.S.) accounts for a large proportion of the global CAM market and has a high growth rate. The recent introduction of Obama Care has brought the change in the health insurance system for CAM, and we need to analyze it for its implication to Korean system. Objectives : The purpose of this study is to investigate the current status of acupuncture and chiropractic health insurance in the U.S., and to draw implications for expanding the health insurance coverage for Korean traditional medicine through the comparison between the U.S. and Korean health insurance systems. Methods : We examined the data through the literature search and from the websites of both U.S. government departments and related organizations for the health insurance policy. Based on the collected data, we analyzed its CAM health insurance system in Korea. Results : The acupuncture covered by public health insurance in the U.S. has a limit in the number of treatments and a range of applied diseases compared with Korea. In addition, the practice of acupuncture is not subdivided. However, the chiropractic in the U.S. which also has a limited number of coverage and only three categories of practices are similar to that of Korea. Conclusions : Although the use of CAM by public health insurance is not active in the U.S., but the organizations such as Veterans Health Administration in Vermont is already discussing the use of acupuncture to solve the problem of opioid overuse. Thus Korea also needs to discuss to promote the expansion of the insurance system for CAM.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.159-204
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• 2020

This study is written to bring the proposal forward for the direction of south korean naval force. The political situation and the circumstance of the world, especially in the area of Pacific Ocean, are changing very rapidly. North Korea has been always the conventional existing intimidator for South Korea since the 6·25-War. Additionally, the strengthening movements of the national defense, which is easily noticed from China and Russia, is also an other part of intimidating countries against South Korea. Those three mentioned countries are continually developing the asymmetrical warfare systems, for example a strategic nuclear weapon. Since the Obama Administration, the Asia-Pacific Rebalancing-Strategy has been changed as an East Asian foreign policy. Nowadays, Trump Administration renamed the 'United States Pacific-Command' to 'United States Indo-Pacific Command'. The purpose of this is not only letting India to participate in american alliance, but also reducing an economic burden, which is often mentioned in USA. West Germany was located in the very similar geopolitical position during the Cold War just like South Korea these days. And that's why the strategy of West German Navy is worthy of notice for south korean naval force to decide its suitable strategy. Most of all, the two most important things to refer to this study are the plan to expand naval air force and the realistic political stand for us to take it. In conclusion, I laid an emphasis on maintenance of 'green-water-navy'. instead of selecting the strategy as a 'blue-water-navy'. The reason I would like to say, is that south korean navy is not available to hold the unnecessary war potential, just like Aircraft-Carrier. However, this is not meaning to let the expansion of naval force carelessly. We must search the best solution in order to maintain the firm peace within the situation. To fulfill this concept, it is mostly very important to maintain the stream of laying down a keel of destroyers, submarines and air-defense-missile, as well as the hight-tech software system, taking a survey of 4th industrial revolution. Research and development for the best solution of future aircraft by south korean navy is likewise necessary. Besides, we must also set the international diplomatic flexibly. As well as maintaining the relationship with US Forces, it is also very important to improve the relationship with other potential allied nation.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.3-29
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• 2018

The Federal Communications Commission voted to repeal net neutrality protections on December 14, 2017. This is the very opposite decision of the net neutrality rule that the Obama administration has consistently maintained. The ensuing storm from the repeal of net neutrality protections has an extensively effect enough on individuals and businesses to cover the entire spectrum, and the impact is hard to assess in the U. S. content industry, which dominates the worldwide Internet content and platform market. On the other hand, Korea's net neutrality protections have been firmly pursued, and there is no sign of change even after the decision happened in the U. S. Net neutrality is not a simple theme that is associated with the Constitution, such as freedom of expression, as well as the issue of network enhancement to prepare for 5G. Accordingly, this study examines how the net neutrality has been carried out in the U. S. and Korea over the years, and provides the issues of Internet enhancement, perspectives of ISP and ICP, and implications for the Constitution, market economy, fair competition and zero rating. This research delivers future direction and implications of domestic net neutrality policies.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.291-298
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• 2021

In this study, the future of countermobility capability is presented by analyzing the status of the countermobility obstacles focusing on the history of landmines and munitions. The conventional landmine was forbidden globally by the CCW and Ottawa Treaty because it caused civilian damage after the war. Because the inhumanity of those mines had been acknowledged, shatterable mines with a self-destruct (SD) function and M93 "HORNET" anti-tank munition with enhanced sensors have been fielded. In 2016, the Obama administration announced a policy that banned all antipersonnel landmines, leaving a considerable gap in the countermobility capability. To deal with these problems, the developments of "SAVO" and the SLEP program of Volcano mines were conducted. In the sense of a long-term approach, the countermobility obstacles, including mines, were chosen as fundamental forces for Multi-Domain Operations and were improved to Terrain Shaping Obstacles (TSO). TSO has improved sensors and mobility kill capabilities and features an enhanced remote control over each munition on the battlefield through a network established with satellite communication. The combined arms countermobility might be fully capable until 2050 if the TSO program can be completed successfully.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.236-261
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• 2014

The future role of nuclear extended deterrence in the security alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea is currently a central concern. The gradually lessening role of reliance on nuclear weapons in US security policies broadly, combined with increasing North Korean nuclear capabilities and belligerence, raise fresh questions about the sufficiency of the "nuclear umbrella" as a pillar of the US-ROK defense posture. This article addresses the current and future role of nuclear extended deterrence in Korea in this dynamic context. The article reviews the longstanding trend toward reducing the overall size of the US nuclear arsenal, and assesses developments in US-ROK outlooks toward extended deterrence in response to the Obama administration's nuclear policies and North Korea's recent smaller-scale aggressions. The analysis finds that the challenges of deterrence credibility and allied reassurance are difficult and long-term. The analysis explains how these challenges emerge less from a shrinking US numerical arsenal size than from the sufficiency of specific nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities to meet emerging smaller-scale threats. The analysis also highlights the importance of broader strategic and political interaction in sustaining allied confidence in any joint security posture. The evaluation concludes that a strong US-ROK alliance relationship can be maintained while the size of the US nuclear arsenal continues to decline, in part because nuclear weapons in any deployment configuration are relatively ineffective means for deterring smaller-scale aggression. Nevertheless, continuing adjustment of the US-ROK extended deterrence posture to the evolving, complex and uncertain Korean peninsula security environment will remain an ongoing challenge. Finally, the article encourages further examination of the potential specific role ROK maritime forces might serve in enhancing deterrence of smaller-scale threats while minimizing risks of conflict escalation.