• 통상정보연구
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.177-207
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• 2006

DMZ is came from the antagonism of ideology of the cold war and will of peace embodiment of Gangwon province, the only divided province in the world, at the time of opening physical distribution transportation time on ground between south and north Korea. Analyze the central plan of Gangwon province that includes Mt. Geumgang sightseeing, the Gyeongwon line and the Donghae line. As regaining the overland route with Eurasian continent that lost because of the division of Korea into north and south, We have lived as people in a island country actually for the last 60 years. we should extend the racial imagination that lean toward the ocean to the continent again. As we present the use of efficient overland distribution transportation that is endowed with the fitness of the Gangwon province's plan to make a new developing opportunity physically and mentally. we would seek the revitalization of Gangwon economy and inter Korean trade.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.53-74
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• 2020

북한의 항만 및 해운의 현황과 문제점을 파악하는 것은 향후 한반도 평화 시대에 남북 간 교역을 대비하는데 중요한 의의를 갖는다. 본 연구에서는 남북 항만을 기항한 선박들의 운항 현황을 Port-MIS 선박입출항 데이터를 활용하여 연도별/화물별(선박종류별)/(북한)항만별로 분석하였다. 특히, 남북 간 교역이 가장 활발했던 3개 연도(2006~2008년)의 남북 항만 간 선박입출항 자료를 시각화 작업을 통해 해상 운송의 흐름을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 2006년부터 2008년까지 해주↔인천간 해상화물이 가장 많았으며, 서해안권에서는 해주↔목포, 남포↔인천 루트가, 동해안권에서는 나진↔부산 루트가 활발했음을 파악할 수 있었다. 북한의 동해안권과 서해안권 모두 다양한 운송루트를 보이고 있는 선박은 일반화물선으로 나타났다. 이러한 일반 화물선의 경우, 한국의 서해안에 위치한 항만은 북한의 서해안에 위치한 항만끼리, 한국의 동해안에 위치한 항만들은 북한의 동해안을 각각 운항하는 경향이 나타나고 있었다. 본 연구는 남북 간 교역의 흐름을 용이하게 파악할 수 있어, 향후 남북 항만 간 연안 운송 관련 연구와 정책을 수립하는데 기초 자료가 될 것으로 기대한다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.167-189
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• 1992

북한(北韓)의 GNP를 추정(推定)하는 데에 가장 큰 어려움은 첫째, 통계자료(統計資料)의 절대적(絶對的) 부족(不足), 둘째 GNP의 달러환산(換算)에 적합한 환율(換率)의 부재(不在)이다. 실물지표(實物指標)에 의한 GNP추정방법(推定方法)은 요구(要求)되는 통계(統計)의 양(量)이 많지 않으며, 또한 비교국가군(比較國家群)의 달러GNP와 실물지표(實物指標)들과의 관계를 추정(推定)하여 이를 북한의 실물지표(實物指標)에 적용함으로써 바로 달러GNP를 구할 수 있기 때문에 북한(北韓)GNP 추정(推定)에 특히 적합한 방법이라 하겠다. 실물지표접근법(實物指標接近法)으로 추정(推定)한 결과 1990년 북한(北韓)GNP는 273억(億)달러, 1인당GNP는 1,273달러로 나타났다. 기존의 다른 추정결과(推定結果)들과 비교해 보면 방법론상(方法論上)의 차이(差異)에도 불구하고 실물지표접근법(實物指標接近法), 통일원(統一院), 재정비율접근법(財政比率接近法)의 추정규모가 상당히 비슷한 수준이었으며, GNP추정결과가 시사(示唆)하는 무역규모(貿易規模)/GNP, 재정규모(財政規模)/GNP 비율(比率) 등도 타당(妥當)한 수준이었다. 한편 구소련(舊蘇聯)의 국제경제정치연구소(國際經濟政治硏究所)의 추정GNP는 북한발표(北韓發表) 재정규모(財政規模)보다 작은데다가 무역규모(貿易規模)/GNP 비율이 58%나 되어 GNP가 지나치게 과소평가(過小評價)된 것으로 보이며, 영국(英國)의 국제전략문제연구소(國際戰略問題硏究所)는 추정시(推定時) 과대평가(過大評價)된 공정환율(公定換率)을 사용하였고 추정결과(推定結果)가 시사(示唆)하는 무역규모(貿易規模)/GNP 비율이 7~10%에 불과하여 GNP가 과대평가(過大評價)된 것으로 보인다. 실물지표접근법(實物指標接近法)은 단순추정방법(單純推定方法)(Short-cut method)이 가지고 있는 한계에도 불구하고 북한의 통계사정(統計事情)이 크게 개선될 때까지는 북한(北韓)GNP를 추정(推定)하는 데 유용(有用)할 것으로 판단된다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.3-26
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• 2005

Since the Agreement on Commercial Arbitration was signed by the Governments of South and North Korea last year, there has been quite a few discussions on the way for implementing the Agreement in both public and private sectors. The Department of Justice of South Korea was quite active in making the draft of arbitration rules representing the South Korean views in alliance with the Department of Reunification of South Korea and recently held an informal seminar to preview their draft. On the other hand, the Korea Arbitration Association, a main body of commercial arbitration which are composed of professors and lawyers, were carefully watching the steps and the draft made by the Department of Justice. The reasons are to assure that not only shall the commercial arbitration rules comply with comment norms of international arbitration but shall it be made to meet the needs of enterprises investing in the Special Economic District of Kaesung City in North Korea. The concerns of the Korea Arbitration Association can be accomplished if the Department of Justice would modify the provisions pointed out in the seminars. Five general principles shall be brought into the attention in promulgating the commercial arbitration rules. First, it should comply with the Agreement on Commercial Arbitration signed by South and North Korea. Second, it should accept common rules contained in UNCITRAL arbitration rules. Third, it should boost the promptness of proceedings when a case was filed. Fourth, it should feature unique aspects of trade between South Korea and Korea by differentiating it from purely international trade between a country and a country. Lastly, it should combine the respective rules of both South and North Korea, currently in effect. With the above five principles accomplished, it should be noted that the Agreement on Commercial Arbitration the upper authority of arbitration rules, mandates the following features. It declared that arbitration be processed by three arbitrators. Single arbitrator is not permitted. Arbitration can be adopted even if an arbitration clause does not exist in an agreement by the parties, provided that the dispute arose out of the scope of the Agreement on investment Guarantee signed by South Korea and North Korea. It excluded quick and simplified procedures even if the amount of claim in arbitration is minimal. All the procedures should take a formal procedure. It let the double administration offices operate. One is to sit in Seoul of South Korea and the other is to sit in Pyongyang of North Korea. This would intimidate the fastness of procedures. With the above principles and the features considered, each provision in the draft by the Department of Justice should be reviewed and suggested for change.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.183-213
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• 2011

China and North America have been South Korea's biggest trading partner long time. As the volume of trade has been increasing, the disputes between Korean companies and Chinese Companies and between Korean companies and North American Companies have been increasing. If these disputes are settled by Arbitration, the parties appoint arbitrators who are empowered to proceed the arbitration procedure and have a power to render an arbitral award. Accordingly, it is very important for the parties to select who is an arbitrators in Arbitration. But if the parties doubt their arbitrator(s)'s fairness and independency, they can discharge them in accordance to law and arbitration institute's rules. In comparison with arbitrator system for way of selection and discharge among Korea, China and North America, some differences are found. First, if parties fail to appoint co-arbitrators or the presiding arbitrator by a mutual agreement, the court has the right to appoint them or him in Korea and North America whereas the Chairman of CIETAC choose him in China. Second, the authority to decide whether arbitrator is discharged owing to his fairness and independency, depends on arbitration institute and court in Korea and North American whereas it depends on the Chairman of CIETAC only.

• 해양환경안전학회:학술대회논문집
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• 해양환경안전학회 2017년도 추계학술발표회
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• pp.229-229
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• 2017

• 수산경영론집
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• 제48권3호
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• pp.61-74
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• 2017

This study is aimed to analyze the change of chinese fishing vessels' entry into the East Sea off North Korea and suggest directions for countermeasures. Based on the real landing data in China, Chinese fishing vessels' squid catch volume and value in the East Sea off North Korea are estimated. Results show that at least 205 thousand tons of squid was caught by Chinese fishing vessels in 2014. If the catch amount is calculated by the unit price per kilogram at the same year in Korea, it would be 556.3 billion KRW. As the UN sanctions become stricter with the recent resolution 2371 passed, Chinese fishing vessels' entry may increase in the future to compensate decreased seafood supply from North Korea. Even though there are not many options left for Korea to decrease the impact of Chinese depletive fishing, the study suggests countermeasures such as strengthening cooperative crack down on the Chinese illegal fishing vessels in Korean waters; increasing cooperation with UN member countries to incorporate banning the trade of fishing rights in the next UN sanctions; establishing regional fisheries management organization and managing migratory species with China and Japan cooperatively in the long term.

• 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항해항만학회 1997년도 Proceedings of KIN-CIN Joint Symposium 97 on Safety of Shipping and History of Maritime Communication between Korea and China around 9th Century
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• pp.217-221
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• 1997

The relationship between Tang and Silla was closer than other countries and districts of North-east Asia. At Tang Dynasty, Dispatching the formal envoy between them had 160times by record in the hitory chronicle(which has 104 times before the middle 8th. Ad century , then 56times). The traffic between Tand and Silla based on seaway, because the relationships of GaoLi, Silla and Baiji fell foul of each other at 625 AD, GalLi had blocked the land way from Silla to Tand. The marine trade , development in political association bwtween Tand and Silla, was occupied by personal marine trade gradually which accompanied with the Tang empire.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.