• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.43-68
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• 2022

Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-96
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• 2022

How does a public health crisis play into the digital rhetoric of states? As Covid-19 is presenting a situation in which countries need to manage the international environment in a relatively short period, their practices could signal how digitization is going to influence public diplomacy in the longer run. This paper explores state public diplomacy in the context of a public health crisis. It develops a theoretical framework of public diplomacy on social media through how and what states communicated during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic. Through keyword and hashtag analyses, we identify two patterns. First, states usually regard social media as an instrument for domestic communication rather than public diplomacy. The international impact of messaging has not been prioritized or well-recognized. Social media platforms such as Twitter have global outreach and messaging can be seen by audiences all over the world. Messages intended for the domestic audience could have an international impact. Thus, any communication on digital platforms should consider their public diplomacy outcomes. Second, while social media platforms are claimed to be for networking at different levels, states tend to connect with other states rather than with international organizations during the pandemic. States do not like to mention international organizations like the WHO and the UN on Twitter. Instead, they were either busy dealing with internal problems or cooperating with another state to combat the virus.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.57-79
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• 2021

Drawing on the theories of mediated public diplomacy, intermedia agenda-building, and homophily, this study aims to compare the effectiveness of the public diplomacy efforts made by the Saudi and Qatari governments during the Gulf diplomatic crisis. The study examines the respective international agenda-building influence of the state-sponsored media from the two competing Gulf states on the regional and international media's coverage of the crisis. Results show that, compared to Saudisponsored Al Arabiya, Qatari-sponsored Al Jazeera was more effective in shaping the agendas of the regional and international media. Whereas Al Arabiya has a weak first-level agenda-building influence and a moderate-to-strong influence at the second and the third levels, Al Jazeera demonstrates a strong agenda-building influence on the foreign media outlets at all of the three levels. We also analyze the impact of political proximity and the language of the media content (English or Arabic) on the agenda-building relationships. Still, the results suggest that, compared to Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera was more successful in shaping the agendas of the regional and international news media-no matter where they are based in the allied or the opposing countries. Also, we observe a higher level of consistency between Arabic- and English-language content in Al Jazeera.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.145-164
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• 2017

In the 21^st century, the growing use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms has influenced our way of life, including international diplomacy. With the use of new interactive communication technologies such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, video sharing website, blogs, and other social media networks, digital diplomacy has become an active diplomatic mode in modern society and plays an increasing important role in international relations. Although Indonesia has gradually realized the pivotal role of internet diplomacy and recently put it into practice, it is still lagging far behind. This paper will examine how Indonesia conducts its diplomacy in the new era of digital world. How far and in what ways does the Indonesian government make use of digital technology to conduct its diplomacy? What opportunities and challenges are confronted to develop digital diplomacy? How does it navigate diplomacy in the digital age? Unless Indonesia embraces new channels and methods of diplomacy, its foreign policy implementation may not run optimally to support its aim of attaining its objectives in the international stage.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.426-438
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to examine whether or not social media could have influence upon diplomatic activities and become effective means of diplomatic communication, focusing on the communication channel of public diplomacy. Study subjects were 301 foreigners from 42 countries in 7 continents, and influencing relationship among the fondness of social media-utilized public diplomacy cultural contents, country images and country brands was examined, together with its effectiveness. The results attained are as follows: First, all independent variable except interactivity and immediacy had significant influencing relationship with the fondness of public diplomacy cultural contents. Second, the fondness of public diplomacy cultural contents had significant influence upon country images, whereas country images had significant influence upon the fondness of country brands and the loyalty of country brands. Based on study findings, the influence of social media as effective means of communication of public of diplomacy policy in the 21st century was confirmed. In addition, This study contribute to expansion of public diplomacy research area from pre-exisiting study and provide basic information to future activities.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.234-263
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• 2020

This study aims to assess the quality of the EU's public diplomacy efforts through social media. Specifically, this research explores the headquarters of European public diplomacy (European External Action Service, EEAS) and its subordinate agent (EU Delegation to South Korea, EUDK). The main research question is "how coherently and effectively does the EU execute public diplomacy strategies in the third countries?'' This study employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches―the former for the results presentation and the latter for the results interpretation. The results are summarized in two points. First, both the EEAS and the EUDK maintained an objective position by posting only neutral perspectives on their social media. Second, the narratives of the main actors were the same, but the main themes were different according to their contexts. The analysis discusses the effectiveness of the EU's strategic narratives by focusing on measuring message reception. Its limited findings were that social media postings could not induce the audiences' active discussion of the EU's diplomatic performances. The conclusion suggests that the EU should identify the expectations from its global counterparts and use these to forge the Union's strategic narratives.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.