• Title/Summary/Keyword: Late Goryeo to early Joseon

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The Development and Sementic Network of Korean Ginseng Poems (한국 인삼시의 전개와 의미망)

  • Ha, Eung Bag
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.4
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    • pp.13-37
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    • 2022
  • Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

The Development Process and Construction Characteristic of the Stone Stupa in Gyeonggi-Do (경기도 지역 석탑의 전개과정과 조영 특징)

  • Lee, Seohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.184-205
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    • 2019
  • Buddhism was introduced to Gyeonggi-Do early on and thus created various types of Buddhist culture there. Since the introduction of Buddhism into Gyeonggi-do, the there has been continuous construction of stone stupas. More stone stupas were built in southern Gyeonggi than in northern Gyeonggi-do. In particular, Anseong, Icheon, Yongin, and Yeoju were centers of construction. Looking at the characteristics of each period, stone stupas remain from the Unified Shilla Period to Joseon, indicating that stone stupas were steadily built during this period. The stone stupa corresponding to the Unified Shilla Period is meaningful in that it shows the northern limit of Shilla Buddhist culture. Since then, the stone stupas of the Goryeo Dynasty were actively constructed in the southern part of Gyeonggi-do in the early Goryeo Dynasty. By the late Goryeo Dynasty, the stupas were built throughout Gyeonggi-do, indicating that the construction of the stupa was active. In the Joseon Dynasty, stone stupas were built in temples near Hanyang and deeply related to the royal family. Stone pagodas were erected mainly on major traffic routes. Stone stupas built in Gyeonggi-do have a variety of artistic and historical significance.

Study on the Inheritance and Transformation of the Goryeo Tradition in the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations of the Amitayurdhyana Sutra of the Early Joseon Dynasty -with the Focus on the Concept of Rebirth in the Pure Land- (조선전기 관경십육관변상도에 보이는 고려 전통의 계승과 변용 -정토인식과 왕생관의 변화를 통해-)

  • Lee, Seung-Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.126-147
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    • 2018
  • The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.

The Periodical Formation and Phase of Change of Cheongpyeongsa Temple Zen Garden (청평사(淸平寺) 선원(禪園)의 시대적(時代的) 형성(形成)과 변천상(變遷相))

  • Yoon, Young Hwal
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2011
  • Cheongpyeongsa Temple was originally built in the early years of Goryeo Dynasty, but its current structural framework was made by the Lord Jinrakgong Lee Ja Hyeon(1061-1125) of the middle Goryeo period based on the Zen thought after he began living in the Cheongpyeong mountain around the temple in 1089. The purpose of this study is to conceptualize, based on old documents, historical changes of the appearance and survival of man-made structures with in the Zen garden formed and developed after Lee Ja Hyeon laid the foundation for Munsuwon Zen garden. Among the eight, outside-the-temple hermitages built at the time of Lee Ja Hyeon's Munsuwon Zen garden, only three hermitages, which are Sik-am, Gyeonseong-am, Yangshin-am had been remaining thanks to restoration and repair until late Joseon Dynasty and preserved as symbolic hermitages. Also, the Yeongji Pond built at the time of Lee Ja Hyeon still remains as precious landscape relics which is meaningful as a genuine Goryeo-period pond. The nine pine trees said to be planted by Lee Ja Hyeon remained until middle 1800s through their descendant trees. When the Buddhist monk Bowoo Daesa(1509-1565)changed the name to Cheongpyeongsa Temple in middle Joseon based on the Munsuwon Zen garden built by Lee Ja Hyeon and greatly expanded it, he newly built and expanded all buildings inside the temple except for Neunginjeon(main temple building), resulting in the present temple structure. In addition, by greatly enhancing the level of scenery by reconstructing Yeongji Pond outside the temple area and transplanting garden plants from the royal court, he made Cheongpyeongsa Temple the most prosperous Zen garden in its history. But after the mid-1800s, which is late Joseon period, Cheongpyeongsa Temple failed to thrive further and began to decline, and so currently most buildings of the Zen garden have disappeared except for some parts of the temple and other facilities are neglected.

Strategic and Tactical Use of Naval Ship for Maritime Defense during the reign of King Sejong (조선 세종시대 병선(兵船)의 해방(海防)전략·전술)

  • Min, Jang-won
    • Strategy21
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    • s.44
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    • pp.177-212
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this article is to examine the 'Discussion of maritime defense' which began to be discussed from the late Goryeo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty and the process of establishing a maritime defense system. Also it can identify changes in the aspects of the naval ship operation and their strategic tactics during the reign of King Sejong. Japanese raiders began a full-scale invasion from 1350 at the late Goryeo Dynasty, So the government realized the need to raise the 'Sea power' and to organize the maritime defense system for defending enemy invasion. for example, the reinforcement of naval forces, construction of warships, develoment of weapon systems and so on. which have achieved remarkable growth while continuing, have also been used to carry out a three-time 'Conquest of Daemado' in 1389, 1396, 1419. Until then, however, it is difficult to interpret that the naval forces had a systematic and organizational combat operation system. According to fighting patterns on combat reports before the early days of King Sejong's reign, Our naval forces had no advantage over the Japanese raiders in terms of their capabilities and tactics. Then, the period of King Sejong marked a watershed in maritime defense history. Based on accumulated experience of naval battles and force Projections, The paradigm shift of the naval strategic tactics for maritime defense has occurred. First, the capability of the naval vessels has improved. for example, ship speed, durability, and weather resistance. Through these efforts, navy forces were able to pursue and attack, destroy enemy's ships by taking advantage of the 'Ship speed superiority'. This has led to tactical shifts from defensive to offensive. Second, purpose to support offensive tactics, the government put a strategic plan into practice that is the forward depolyment of naval bases from the inland to the coast, considering the 'sea environment' and 'threat'. By doing so, Joseon dynasty was able to secure 'the command of the sea'. This may be a little different from the perception of the so-called 'peace period' that King Sejong's era. We need to remember that Joseon dynasty was working hard for its defense. When studying history of maritime defense, these strategic and tactical elements must be fully considered. Only then we can have a coherent understanding of the many naval battles in the past, including the Imjin War(1592-1598).

Calligraphy Style in the Early Joseon Period : An Examination of Renowned Calligraphy of Korea (《해동명적》을 통해 본 조선 초기 서풍)

  • Yoo, Jibok
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.1
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    • pp.148-169
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this paper is to understand characteristics and trends of calligraphy styles through the analysis of handwriting. Renowned Calligraphy of Korea (海東名迹, Haedong Myeongjeok) is the first collection of famous Korean calligraphers' masterpieces and was published by Shin Gongje (申公濟, 1469-1536) in the early sixteenth century. While my previous studies have focused on analyzing the publishing backgrounds of and differences among the wood block editions and stone-carved editions of the various remaining copies of Renowned Calligraphy of Korea, this study examines the calligraphy style in the early Joseon period as represented within the collection itself. This study tries to identify the aspects of style transitions among two categories of calligraphy: (1) the calligraphy style of scribes who were in charge of documentation in the central administrative institutions (館閣) and (2) the calligraphy style passed down among the Goryeong Shin clan (高靈申氏). This study verifies that various styles which emerged based on the influence of the revivalism of the late Yuan dynasty gained acceptance in the early Joseon period while the traditional Wang Xizhi style was still in use. The most notable revelation of this study is that the calligraphy style of Kangli Naonao (康里??), a Yuan dynasty calligrapher from a remote region to the west of China, appears to have become acceptable during this period. Indeed, various Yuan dynasty styles were flowing into Korea during the late Goryeo and the early Joseon period that stand in contrast to Zhao Mengfu's "pine-snow calligraphy style." Finally, the authenticity of the Eo Sukguan (魚叔權)'s record in A Storyteller's Miscellany (稗官雜記, Paegwanjapgi) is reviewed in this study. Eo claims that writing attributed to Park Gyeong in Renowned Calligraphy of Korea was actually Shin Jageon's. However, the analysis of the relationship between Shin and Park based on their backgrounds and their political positions suggests that Eo's claim is not valid.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

Buddhist Sculptures from Seongbulsa Temple in Hwanghae-do Province as Seen through Gelatin Dry Plates and Archival Materials from the Collection of the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 유리건판과 기록자료로 본 황해도 성불사(成佛寺)의 불교조각)

  • Heo Hyeonguk
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.278-305
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    • 2024
  • Gelatin dry plate photographs dating to the Japanese colonial era and the official documents from the Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum in the collection of the National Museum of Korea are significant materials documenting cultural heritage in North Korea before it was severely damaged in 1950 during the Korean War. There has been an increase in recent years in studies of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea based on these photographs and documents. This paper presents some new comments on the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple in Hwangju, one of the most famous temples in Hwanghae-do Province, based on the related existing research outcomes. This paper aims to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple by chronicling its history based on historical records, examining its current status, and exploring in detail the production dates and backgrounds of the Buddhist sculptures featured on gelatin dry plates. Prior to Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945, Seongbulsa housed at least seven sculptural items: two Bodhisattva statues, four Buddha statues, and a triad. Two items are from the early Goryeo period, one is from the late Goryeo period, three are from the early Joseon period, and one is from the late Joseon period. Among them, two surviving items are noteworthy. One is the early Goryeo-era Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha photographed in Eungjinjeon Hall at Seongbulsa Temple. A close examination of a schematic drawing of the sculpture's pedestal made at the time it was photographed reveals that its material accords with the materials used for the headless Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha and pedestal currently found in the old Sangwonam Hermitage site in the Inner Geumgang Valley of Jeongbangsan Mountain. This accordance could mean that the statue is a new significant example of early Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in North Korea. The other notable sculpture is the Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad created in 1454 (the second year of the reign of King Danjong) and discovered in Geungnakjeon Hall at Seongbulsa. This statue is currently in the collection of the Sariwon History Museum in Hwanghae-do Province. It is an important example of a dated small gilt-bronze Buddhist statue from the early Joseon period found in North Korea. This paper is a case study of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea, focusing on Seongbulsa Temple. Further utilization of the National Museum of Korea's gelatin dry plates will contribute to developing the study of the history of Korean Buddhist sculpture.

The Critic on Mohism in the History of Korean Thoughts Centered on the Theory of Rejecting Heterodoxy (한국사상사에서의 묵가(墨家) 비판 - 벽리단론(闢異端論)의 전개 양상을 중심으로 -)

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.89-123
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    • 2010
  • As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

Spatial Characters of Korean Cheonghak-dong Utopia (한국 이상향의 성격과 공간적 특징 -청학동을 사례로-)

  • Choi, Won-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.44 no.6
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    • pp.745-760
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    • 2009
  • Cheonghak-dong is a prototype of Korean traditional utopia. Cheonghak-dong Utopia assumed at Jiri Mountain in the late of Goryeo period, and the place name of Cheonghak-dong could be found at the Royal capital(Hanyang) in early Joseon Dynasty, and then it diffused to the outskirts of the original place and local area in the middle period of Joseon Dynasty, eventually it diffused to the nationwide in the modern times. Now, Cheonghak-don was fixed at Mukgea village in Hadong-county officially. The placeness of Cheonghak-dong was changed from the fairyland to the human habitation and a sightseeing place.