• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.193-224
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• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.65
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• pp.57-80
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• 2005

Mogari is an ancient Japanese ritual ceremony, part of a series of ceremonies which are conducted from people's death to the time that they are buried in the tomb. Mogari has been recorded in a number of historic documents, including ${\ulcorner}$

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.13-25
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• 2014

This study interpreted the chemicals of the pigments and the coloring techniques employed on Youngsan Ritual Ceremony Buddhist Painting through a nondestructive analysis method and a microscopic observation. Based on the interpretation, this study closely examined the chemical properties of the names of the coloring materials specified on the ceremonial writing of the Buddhist painting. It is estimated that lead white was used for the white pigments, orpiment and organic pigment for the yellow pigment, cinnabar/vermilion, minium, red ochre, and red dyes for the red pigments, malachite or atacamite for the green pigments, azurite and indigo for the blue pigments, and ink stick for the black pigments. The pigment names specified on the ceremonial writing are juhong, jungcheong, hayeop, whangdan, and whanggeum, and it was verified that juhong is cinnabar or vermilion, jungcheong is azurite, hayeop is malachite or atacamite, whangdan is minium, and whanggeum is a gold foil.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.37-46
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• 2012

This study examines the construction method of lime tomb of royal tombs in the Choseon Dynasty based on reference. This was primarily published as "The Five Manners and Courtesy of the Annals of Sejong" as examples, which were followed by the influence of Koryo's culture in the beginning foundation of Choseon, were organized in the time of Sejong; and later, in the time of Sungjong, "The National Five Manners and Courtes y" was published. Such old reference explains the stone materials and construction method of the royal tomb's pit yet there were not many studies regarding the pit of royal tomb in the Choseon Dynasty. And there exists no historical research or reference study in regard to the pit of royal tomb which is formed as a lime tomb. This is believed to be impossible to excavate the royal tomb since ancestral ritual formalities are still given by the descendants and because of our country's culture of giving ancestral ritual formalities which value formalities and filial duty. However, the current excavation of Guhui Tomb, which was the early burial site, was important since it gives an opportunity to look at the shape and structure of lime tombs in the Choseon Dynasty. Thus, this study, based on the excavation of Guhui Tomb, will look into the construction method of the pit of lime tomb and will examine the structure, shape, construction method, etc. of the lime tomb which was formed after the time of Sejo in a way with reference history. This is an important data to learn the construction method of limb tomb of royal tombs in the Choseon Dynasty and is believed to have a very important value as historical materials as to understanding the structure of the pit of royal tombs in the Choseon Dynasty which yet has not been excavated.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.291-332
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• 2012

Cham is the Buddhist ritual dance performed at the religious festival of Lamaism. It has been spread and performed at the Lamaist monastery of Tibet, India, Nepal, Bhutan and Monglia. The type and style of Cham are differntiated by the region and sect. However, they share the common aim of exorcising all evils symbolized by linga who resists the Buddhist dharma, and thereby celebrating the victory of Buddhism. This paper deals with the ritualistic concept and structure of Cham with a focus on Hemis Chetsu of Ladakh located at the extreme north of India. The festival is held to honor the birthday of $Padm{\bar{a}}sambhava$ who is the founder of Tibetan Buddhism in the 8th century. As a result, this paper drew the characteristics of Cham performance such as dance as the incarnation of sacred beings, ritualistic offering, visualization meditation as well as the ritual space as a mandala, the ritualistic intent of stylized acting, accumulative performance structure, the $Mahay{\bar{a}}nic$ motif of performance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.201-221
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• 2009

This paper is a historical study on mime or pantomime in the chinese theater. What is the origin of chinese mime? This is a very difficult question to answer. But I thought its early model can be found in actions of ancient actors who are believed to precede any genre of theater and actually I could found a very significant proof in historical records which have been ignored generally. It is an episode of Youmeng(優孟) in Chu(楚) dynasty. According to this episode, the history of chinese mime has lasted at least over 2600 years. In my opinion, chinese mime had been organized in ritual genre in early theater and its development had been mostly based on the jiaosehangdang-system(脚色行當制). Most chengshi-movements(程式動作) of zuo(做) and da(打) have been organized in recent several centuries. But a further study on them shows us that the real origin of them is the ancient dance wu(舞). Afterwards the wu(舞) separated into two types of dance the so-called wenwu(文舞) and wuwu(武舞). So we can say that wenwu(文舞) and wuwu(武舞) had a direct influence on most chengshi-movements(程式動作) of zuo(做) and da(打).

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.52-60
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• 2011

The traditional village forests called Dangsan forest and Bibo forest in Korea represent unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years. The Natural Monument # 405 named 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' was established by the ancestors who settled in the village about six hundred years ago. The Dangsan ritual had been held in the forest and the ritual started to be held at a shrine since early 1700's. Although the place where Dangsan ritual was held has been transferred from forest to outside forest, the status of Dangsan forest was not changed. The forest has not been known as a Dangsan forest. Instead, it has been known as a Bibo forest with a name meaning roadside forest. It is our duty to hand historic monuments on in full richness of their authenticity. No new construction, demolition or modification which would alter the mass and colour must be allowed. Furthermore, every means must be taken to facilitate the preservation of the monument and to reveal it without distorting its meaning. The 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' is a deciduous forest composed of Quercus aliena, Quercus acutissima, and Sophora japonica, with a size of $920{\times}90m$ at the side of a stream. An old Sophora japonica tree known as a scholar tree indicates that this forest is related to confucianism. The name 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' does not seem to be correct. In fact, the traditional village forest in Sachon-ri was a riparian buffer. The 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' need to be changed to 'Dangsan forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong'. With a correction on name and authenticity restored, the value of cultural heritage in Sachon-ri would be recognized effectively.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.669-700
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• 2019

Farmers' band music is a religious ritual in Korea. It is a solemn ritual to exhibit the auspicious holiness of the people to the God. Most of the ritual is accomplished by music. The music of the farmers 'band, in this sense, has its meaning as the expression of holiness by sound. In this paper, I will explore the principle to make various rhythms of farmers' band music, especially focusing on the chaegut (lit. "stroke music"). It is very symbolic because the name of the music shows the strokes of the gong, called jing, in a rhythmic phrase. In this sense, the chaegut is man-made music based on the specific principles in accordance with the strokes of the gong. Among many chaegut rhythms, samchae (lit. "three strokes") to chilchae (lit. "seven strokes") are the main rhythms. They were made after the principle of 'forward with drums, backward with gongs' in Five way procession. It the basic principle of military procession from the early Joseon Dynasty. The procession follows with the sound of the drums and gongs. There was always a principle of "five strokes" to control the procession. The "five strokes" became the basis of the making of chaegut rhythms. The rhythms of the samchae to chilchae are based on the rhythm of samchae. The samchae has three gong strokes in a cycle, which exhibits the chaotic moment with the rhythmic noise. The name of the rhythm exhibits the correspondence of the signifiant, that is the name "three strokes" and the signifié, that is the real three strokes of gongs in music. Other four rhythms has made up from the samchae with half cycles are added in accordance with the strokes of the gongs. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of "five strokes" in the military procession. The rhythm of ochae jilgut is a mixture of ochae (lit. "five strokes") and jilgut (lit. "road music") which is usually performed on the road to a mountain shrine. The musical structure of ochae jilgut corresponds to the colotomic structure of Southeast Asian music and the 15th-century music of old musical scores. The rhythm of gilgunak chilchae is a mixture of gilgunak (lit. "road military music") and chilchae (lit. "seven strokes"). The rhythmic structure is similar to other regional music, sijo ("short song") of the literati music and norae garak (lit. "some melody") of the shaman music. In sum, the chaegut is very artistic music made from the military procession of the Joseon Dynasty. The name of the rhythm corresponds with the strokes of the gong in a cycle. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of music-making to exhibit the ritual characteristics of the Korean people.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.