• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.189-210
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• 2018

This paper begins with the notion of 'pick-me generation', which refers to today's young generation in Korea. It is named after the title of a song introduced at the Television programme for the competitive audition for girl-group singers. This name gives an idea of the atmosphere of the competition that the current young generation experiences in South Korea. In parallel to it, the research examines the meaning of freedom and choice in democratic education in Oh Chunsuck, in his later work in particular. This paper attempts to demonstrate the possibility to relate Oh's notion of freedom and democracy in relation to Han who critically analyses contemporary discourses on neo-liberalism and democracy. This paper re-views Oh's ideals of democracy and education within its own limitations on freedom. The argument extends Oh's idea of freedom and ethical democracy to the idea of freedom that is relevant to today's younger generation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.49-72
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• 2018

In this paper, I tackle the question as to why the Confucian tradition in East Asia failed to generate democracy. In the first section, I discuss various forms of Confucianism and come up with a most suitable one before I define democracy. I then consider the view that, even though Confucianism, thus defined, had the democratic ideals, it could not generate democracy because it failed to secure democratic institutional structure. I call this view 'No Institutions' View. However, there are two versions of it. First, a thin version of the view holds that the theoretical resources are clearly found in Confucianism yet they failed to provide the democratic institutions. Second, there is the view (a thick version of 'No Institutions' View), according to which the theoretical resources do exist in the Confucian tradition, though only as potentiality and not as a historical reality, and this is why the tradition failed to produce democracy. Third, some hold the view (which I call 'No Ideals' View) that Confucianism simply lacks not only the practical institutions but also theoretical ideals of democracy. In the conclusion, I discuss the reason why I reject these views and offer my own view. In particular, I offer a hybrid view concerning the relationship between Confucianism and democracy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.207-254
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• 2001

This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.11
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• pp.15-40
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• 2005

'Governance' is a subject that is widely discussed these days in the government and the academic world. I think that the new concept, 'governance', is a strategy to develop the democracy of the society in its institutional and functional aspects. When we are going to discuss about governance, public records and their relationships, without understanding the meaning of 'public' in Korea, we cannot expect to discuss the matter precisely. It is said that Korean public service sectors are awash with authoritarianism and unreasonableness, and that they are at the center of seething corruption and bribe scandals. It is the legacy that the regimes adopted in the aftermath of the Japanese colonial rule for 35 years. The colonial legacy included not simply the practice of the Japanese colony, but also people who had collaborated the Japanese. The American military government and Rhee, Sung-Man regime also appointed the same officials to government posts. As was the same case in other areas including economy, press, education, politics, law, etc. In this point of view, "Righting historical wrongs", a controversial issue now in Korea, aims at establishing the right relationships between an individual and the public, and eventually laying the foundation of democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance. Apparently, Korea has made progress in developing democracy, as well as in reforming the government policy and organization. Many independent commissions are performing the projects instead of the government institutions that mandated to do the job, but has not played their roles. The e-government projects in Korea was launched in 2001 by the former administration. However, the confusion of records-management after the promulgation of the act is the result of the lack of strategy and the inconsistency of the vision. Good record-keeping supports effective, transparent and accountable government. Accountability is a key element of good governance. It is a recognized fact that without information, there is no guidance for decision-making, and accountability. Thus without records, there is no accountability for the decisions of actions. Transparency means that the decisions taken and their enforcement are carried out based on led-out rules and regulations. When both accountability and transparency are non-existent, good governance is bound to fail. Archival institutions have to give an attention to inner-governance because of the new trend of archival practice, namely 'macro-appraisal'. This 'macro-appraisal' is a kind of a functions-based approach. However, macro-appraisal focuses not just on function, but on the three-way interaction of function, structure and citizen, which combined reflect the functioning of the state within civil society, that is to say, its governance. In conclusion, the public and democracy are major challenges in the Korean society. The so-called good governance requires good record management. In this respect, records managers are in the front line of instituting good governance, and achieving better public and democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance.