• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.67 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2017

The Korean folk drama is one of the traditional art performances of Korean folklore, and it is usually characterized by mask dances. An investigation on the costume of Korean folk drama is of great historical significance because they present the variety of typical costume according to the characters. The Sandae-Nori drama of Seoul Gyeong-gi province which was designated as im- portant culture property, has the closest form to general Korean folk costume. The usual characters have their typical costume and reflect the costume of the latter Choson Dynasty period. The costumes are used as a tool of the drama to indicate the character, and the impression of the dance. The costume of the Korean folk drama is made to indicate the character because it is for the play. What is more, the costume of the Sandae-Nori drama of Seoul Gyeong-gi province shows the general aspect of folk costume of the world, which remains as the symbol of the traditional culture and shows more decoration and visibility.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.71-109
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• 2020

Nihonbuyo(日本舞踊), a typical traditional Japanese dance, began with kabuki dancing and formed many schools, and was managed by Iemoto system. Iemoto(家元) is the head family of a school of a traditional Japanese art. Iemoto(家元) existed after the establishment of the ancient family system, and it was established as a system during the modern feudal period. Especially in Nihon Buyo, the Iemoto system has developed greatly since the modern era. Iemoto System has has contributed greatly to the succession of traditional arts and has been considered one of the characteristics of Japanese society. Basically, Iemoto system considers it the best authority to pass on the skills of excellent teachers without any distortion. It has various forms depending on the field and the school, but it is an organization with a family structure similar to that of a family with Iemoto at the top. In this article, I examined the establishment and background of the Nihonbuyo and considered the succession of the fame and authority of Iemoto through the system of succession. There are so many schools in the Nihonbuyo world that it is said to be a school kingdom. These schools were divided into kabuki actors, choreographers, female entertainers, ChiutaMai dance(地唄舞) and new dance styles, and the aspect of the Iemoto system was examined through the background and characteristics of each school. While Iemoto system has a positive aspect of inheriting the tradition, there are also many negative criticisms in the art world, such as rigid organizational management, the products of feudal society, the power of Iemoto, and the stalemate of arts. Nevertheless, in a Japanese society that places importance on tradition, the landlady system will not disappear easily. In fact, today, when there are many different art genres in common, young dancers are starting to challenge themselves along with self-examination of Iemoto in order to make the best use of traditional art. We hope that through consideration of the Japanese housekeeping system, it will become a place where intangible cultural properties will be re-acknowledged.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.165-174
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• 2010

Ganggangsulae, a traditional Korean circle-dance play, is valuable as the material for learning the traditional culture. Most people realize the importance of the Ganggangsulae as the traditional play. However, schools have experienced difficulties in teaching the Ganggangsulae to students since students are not interested in it due to the lack of systematic and proper instruction methods. In order to develop these methods, it is required to enforce researches in reinventing traditional Ganggangsulae into modern and popular life sports based on various scientific analyses. In this paper, we analyze the current instruction methods and the corresponding effects in teaching Ganggangsulae in the elementary schools. Also the effect of exercise is also analyzed for each play of Ganggangsulae. Based on these analyses, we present a model of player-centric Ganggangsulae system which can be reorganized its plays for a specific purpose. The proposed model characterizes Ganggangsulae in terms of the evolutionary variety and modular structure.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.284-289
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• 2017

This study examined Korean traditional dancing performances in small theaters as a phenomenological approach. Korean traditional dances, as cultural welfare, are expected to be attractive to the public and our cultural heritage is expected to be inherited from them. The purpose of this study was to provide basic data for Korean tradition dancing to be supplied to the public as a Traditional Cultural Welfare Program. A qualitative approach was taken to best achieve the aims of this study. The data used in this study were collected from July 10th to September 1st, 2016, using in-depth interviews. Seven Korean dance professionals with more than 15 years' experience in traditional dancing performance were enrolledin this study. The traditional dancing performance in small theaters is necessary in terms of providing concert halls to local cultural artists and high quality performances to audiences as traditional cultural welfare. The traditional dancing performance in small theaters as cultural welfare will provide a platform to enjoy various traditional cultures across all ages and all class levels of the society in auniversal dimension.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.6
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• pp.249-257
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• 2010

In performance art, actors on the stage play an important role. The purpose of performance art is not in producing expression of superficial or trite pleasure, but in presenting a source of philosophical catharsis regarding essence of a human life. It is actors' responsibility to bring such expression onto the stage. Performance art not only involves technical skills but should be a cultural expression to represent tradition, spirituality and identity of a nation. In Korea, performance art tends to follow Western methods of expression. It is desirable to set a future direction to further develop methodology of expression in performance art. As part of such effort, the research examines how the rhythm of traditional Korean dance and dimension of time and space in performance art are effectively visualized in their relation to "stage direction." The research illustrates characteristics and concepts of Korean dances in terms of inhalation in deliberate hypogastric breathing ("danjeon') and rhythms of exhalation (gutgeori, jajinmori, huimori). Also, the research aims to enhance dramatic effect on the stage, which is distinguished from presentation of ordinary actions, by emphasizing dimension of time and space in visualizing expression.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.173-184
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• 1998

The results of this theis are as follows. As regards the chronological transformation of the royal court dancing which is characterized by the variousness and colorfulness of the old-fashioned dancing suit, in the pre-dynasty of triple alliance among Shinla, Bakjae, and Goguryeo, the traditional ritual stood on ceremony through the ceremonial dancing in support of a religional rite. But while the Shinla, Bakjae, and GoGuRyeo dynasty began to excercise the systematic royal control over people, each royal court employed the professional ritual dancers; and it encouraged them to dance on the variety of ceremony on behalf of a rite and celebration. Of course, except for that of Shinla dynasty, it is not so easy to find out the historical record for the evidence which can back up these facts. As representatives of a ritual dancing, the religional ceremony of Shinla dynasty brought about the orientation of GumGee-Mu, MooAe-Mu, Saseon-Mu, Seonyu-Ak, and Cheoyong-Mu.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2019.05a
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• pp.261-262
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• 2019

이 연구의 목적은 국가중요무형문화재 제92호 '강선영류 태평무' 교육을 체계적으로 보완하여 보편적 학습설계를 위한 구성주의 관점의 인지적 도제 학습의 적용가능성을 모색하는 것이다. 이를 위하여 전통무용 교육전문가 10명을 선정하여 개방형 설문과 포커스 그룹 인터뷰 실시를 통해 의견을 수렴하였으며, 순환적 과정을 통해 모형 개발을 실행하고 형성적 순환에 중점을 두는 설계기반연구(DBR)를 수행하였다. 그 결과 전통적 도제에서의 교육적 한계점을 밝히고, 도제 원리의 특수성을 검토하여 구성주의 관점의 인지적 도제학습 관점에 기초한 한국 전통무용의 보편적 학습설계를 새롭게 개발하였다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.173-214
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• 2017

This study examines and compares music-related records in the mubo (舞譜; choreography notes) written by Sung Gyeonglin (成慶麟, 1911 - 2008), based on the records of 11 kinds of jeongjae (the music and dance performances at the royal court) found in Lee Byungseong's (李丙星, 1909 - 1960) Changsa and Jungjaecheol (呈才及唱詞綴). Even though these records are personal, they provide valuable information about the mubo of the Iwangjikaakbu (the Royal Music Institute) during the period of Japanese colonization. The eleven kinds types of jeongjae-'Cheoyongmu (處容舞)', 'Hyangryungmu (響鈴舞)', 'Mugo (舞鼓)', 'Bosangmu (寶相舞)', 'Chunangjeon (春鶯?)', 'Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹)', 'Suyeonjang (壽延長)', 'Mansumu (萬壽舞)', 'Bongraeeui (鳳來儀)', 'Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞)', and 'Musanhyang (舞山香)'-can be largely divided into two types: Dangak (Tang dynasty music) and 'Hyangak (traditional Korean music).' The former is distinguished musically by whether or not the jukganja appears. For the appearance of the jukganja in 'Sujeyongjang', 'Bongraeeui' and 'Jangsaengboyeongjimu', the 'boheojaryung (步虛子令)' was used and given the impressive name of jangchunbullojigok (長春不老之曲).' The term punggyungjigok (豊慶之曲)' was used for music that guides a group dance and dancers. For the latter, hamnyungjigok (咸寧之曲) was performed during the development of the dance, and the pungungyeonghoijigok (風雲慶會之曲) was played at the end of the piece. As for the accompaniment for the jeongjae performed by the Iwangjikaakbu, it is significant that various elaborate names were attached to Sangryungsan, Jungryungsan, Seryungsanm, Garakdeoli, Samhyunhwanip, Yeombulhwanip, and taryung (the traditional Korean ballad), which were all parts of 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang (靈山會上).' Specifically, the 'Hyangdanggyoju (鄕唐交奏)' in 'Jeongjaemudoholgi' was accompanied by various melodies of the 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang', which were given extravagant names. These are the personal records of the Iwangjikaakbu mubo that were retained by Lee Honggu (李興九, b. 1940), who owns the 'Hakyeonhwadaehapseolmu.' Among them, the ten kinds of jeongjae found in the notes of Sung Gyeonglin are often referred to as 'mueui (舞儀)' and widely used for research on individual jeongjae performances and the history of their development. The notes of Lee Byungseong have not been investigated thoroughly until now and this is the first study that provides a comparative analysis of the notes of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin. This investigation is expected to contribute to the further research and knowledge of the jeongjae performance during the period of Japanese colonization.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.725-750
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• 2018

Uigue(儀軌) is the report of court events, and its contents are very detailed and crucial as it is even called as the flower of written culture. Thus, many research theses about Uigue have been accumulated in academic circles so far, and easy books about Uigue targeting ordinary people have also been published. However, Uigue has not been used actively in educational circles yet. From now on, we should develop and induce ways to use Uigue actively in educational spots in order to let students who will lead our future have pride in our culture and know about the superiority of our court music culture. Especially when court music culture is taught in the sector of Korean traditional music education, it is beneficial to use Uigue. Since most of the court music repertory is slow and magnificent, if court music itself is exposed beforehand, it might give them an impression that it is "unexciting and boring". Therefore, this study gropes for teaching methods to 'show' court music culture first through various visual aids contained in Uigue. In other words, it examines how the instrument images, band images, dance images, or concert stages contained in Uigue can be used as teaching materials. Except for the materials selected in this article, there are plenty of teaching materials for court music culture in Uigue. Furthermore, it would be even better if not just Uigue but Oryeseo (五禮書), Akseo(樂書), Dobyeong(圖屛), and Gwanchan Akbo(樂譜) can be added to widen its range for more multilateral court music culture education. And if at the educational spots, showing classic court music culture is accompanied with listening to court music through various materials of court music and dance, we can expect even better educational effects from it.