• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.141-170
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• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.363-386
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between theory of Confucian moral cultivation and meditation. Recently our community is more interested in 'a disease of mind'. A view of world, life, values which derived from the distorted perception of 'a disease of mind' can not be treated by psychiatric methods. In this sense, 'a disease of mind' is different from psychiatric illness. In this reason, alternative therapies applying philosophy, literature, arts, and humanities are attracting attention. Meditation is also one of them. In general, Meditation has been developed in Buddhism, but its method is closely related with Confucianism. Buddhist meditation has a pessimistic view of the reality in human life, but that of Confucian philosophy has laid stress on the reality and ego in human life. At this point, the Confucian meditation could provide a clue of solution for us in treatment of a disease of human mind. So Confucian moral cultivation and meditation have a great significance for the treatment of this disease as a methodology. In general, mental healing or psychotherapy has been proceeded by way of dialogue. 'Talking Cure' was conceived to let clients themselves recognize their current situation and find out the problem: "what happened and what's wrong" in their minds. But it does not have a high possibility of successful cure for subjects who are in the state of frustration, confusion, and lost of value. And also it is very difficult to apply to special institutions such as correctional institutions and military soldier who are targeted by current application of Humanities therapy. On this sense, it seems to be valuable to apply Confucian cultivation of mind and meditation which have emphasized the importance of mind-control for this. This study tries to examine theoretically how to relate the Confucian cultivation of mind with meditation, and to suggest a model of Humanities therapy that could be applied by Toe-gye's 『The Method on Preservation of Human mind(活人心方)』. Although Confucian cultivation of mind could present a meaningful theory for curing the disease of mind, it is very difficult to put the theory into practice. It is because Confucian cultivation of mind in itself is a kind of instruction that you need to do in all of your life, and essentially it is difficult to expect a temporary effect by performance or practice. So a cure model of Confucian cultivation of mind will be suggested on this assumption and limitations. This model is attempted on the main purpose of Humanities therapy in accordance with the development of a Korean model.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.267-296
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• 2010

There exists various advantages and disadvantages with various thoughts in human beings. Therefore, it causes very complicated conflict by these diversity. It would be impossible if there would not be solved in classes, areas, schools, cultures whether it is simple or complicated. The proposition which totally shows these logic are Cheng-Yi(程頤, 1033-1107)'s principle is one but its manifestations are many(理一分殊) and Yul-gok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s all penetrating Li and defining Ch'i. The main concern is how to realize concretly the pure goodness in theory of principal and vital force. There are opinion which Li shows it's pure goodness initiatively and it only has to be shown through Ch'i. Toi-gyeo(退溪, 1501-1570)and Woo-dam(愚潭, 1625-1707) thought the subjectivity lies on Li which shows itself even though Li can't shows itself. On the while, Yul-gok thought it realize through Ch'i, and Li has the superintendence which Li shows itself through Ch'i. Regardless with above, Nok-mun(鹿門, 1711-1788) had the point of view which pure goodness come to realize by the coincidence of Li and Ch'i, on the same time, it didn't matter whether the subjectivity lay on Li or Ch'i, Li showed by nature while Ch'i did by vital energy controlled and worked together. While Yul-gok established his theoretical ground of universality in the best pure good and its bases on the realization, Woo-dam put an emphasis on the practice and realization of goodness to endow with its positive meaning. On the contrary of it, Nok-mun emphasised vital enerty, that is, enabled to realize goodness which premised Li and Ch'i are reciprocally related to other in non-segregated condition(理氣不相離). Still however, the most important thing is how the rightness can be concreately explained which human have to practice its pure goodness. It is not restricted on the Sung Confucianism, it is the material question in philosophy.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.11-31
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• 2019

Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1^st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5^th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4^th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9^th Gok 8(14%), the 3^rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6^th Gok 4(7%), the 2^nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7^th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8^th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1^st Gok, 5^th Gok and 4^th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.311-322
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to ascertain pattern design element in traditional palaces among those in the neighboring three nations of East Asia, notably Korea, China and Japan. The basic assumption underlying this study is that these northeastern Asian states have been developed a unique inter-cultural ties over long periods of time in history, culminating in their respective design cultures. Undoubtly the ultimate goal to be pursued, by so doing, has to be inquiry into the identical prototype of Korean pattern design element. In the West, the pattern is appreciated by an aesthetic level, but the East Asian pattern is a symbolic alphabet deeply rooted in religious and folk beliefs. The difference of the respective country comes from the expression style of the pattern the Chinese express the magnificent pattern with various color, the Korean do the moderate pattern with harmonious color with the nature and the Japanese do the stylized pattern with the material color. To sum up similarities and dissimilarities among the design element in traditional palaces of Korea, China, and Japan is as the following : It is to be noticed that the mainly common characteristics of the artistic design are 'naturalism', 'harmonious ideas 'and 'confucianism'. But the representation style of the design element is differed from the country.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.134-147
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is, focusing on the ancient paintings and literatures, by examining Flowering Plants and drawing their cultivating methods, to provide a ground of utilizing them on the modern landscaping. In the scope and method of this study, 766 pieces of ancient paintings(6 garden paintings and 760 folk paintings) which were available and had value as literatures, and 8 of ancient literatures were intensively examined. Main results extracted from them are as follows. First, the most frequently used Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty were Prunus mume, pbyllostachys, Nelumbo nucifera, Chrysanthemum morifolium, Musa basjoo, Rosa spp., Rhododendron mucronulatum, Paeonia lactiflora, which appeared 11 times to 16 times in total. Next frequently(4 times to 8 times) used Flowering Plants were Gardenia jasminoides, Punica granatum(8 times), Dianthus chinensis, Vitis vinifera(7 times), Orchidaceae, Syringa velutina, Impatiens balsamina, Hemerocallis fulva, Celosia cristata, Hibiscus Syriacus, Rhododendron indicum(6 times), Rhododendron, Rhododendron obutusum, Acorus calamus, Althaea rosea, Kerria japonica, Citrus junos(5 times), Hibiscus mutabilis, Lychnis cognata, Calendula officnalis, Begonia rex., Helianthus annuus, Papaver spp., Narcissus tazetta, Daphne odora, Hosta plantaginea(4 times). Second, usage of the Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty can be divided into character building and horticulture for pleasure through positive, scientific approach attempt. It suggests that there might have been classes in the use of them and we can estimate which plants were particularly preferred. Third, in the symbolicity of the usage of Flowering Plants, it can be divided into three parts: The case of representing integrity, gentleman, honesty and nobility and the thought of loyalty and filial piety under the influence of Confucianism. The case of representing Taoism's thought of hermit and perennial youth and long life. The case of representing wish on wealth and prosperity. So if we make a good use of it, we may draw a meaning of cultivation of Flowering Plants from it. This is your target audience or the good luck to all he plants is aimed at, you can see the occurred. Fourth, the Joseon Dynasty was the use of flowering plants are the line of rain wanted to be more consistent with the spirit world. This is shown as a symbol of their ancestors. Joseon Dynasty was used, resulting in a kind of flowering plant and is not a subjective judgement criteria A psychological approach to the side when interpreting the Joseon Dynasty flowering plants to take advantage of the landscape of the area will widen in scope.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.67-75
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• 2017

The culture of Gugok (九曲) and Dongcheon (洞天), which tries to reach the ideological culmination in Confucianism, was widespread throughout the Joseon dynasty. This was an extension of the spirit of studying and honoring Zhu Xi (學朱子, 尊朱子); thereby, Confucian scholars in Joseon expressed the will to follow the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱子) and comforted themselves that they were in the course of attaining the truth. As a realization of this expression of will, scholars designated and operated various scenic sites as Gugoks, following the example of Zhu Xi's Mui Gugok (武夷九曲), and Dongcheons, as a representation of the utopia. These designations are widespread nationwide, with around sixty Gugok locations that have now been reported in academia. However, the actual number of Gugoks exceeds this number, and many of them are currently not identified concerning the exact locations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the locations of Gugoks and Dongcheons scattered around Seoul, Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions. For the coordinates of Gugoks and Dongcheons, this study referred to the literature, web search and the books published by local cultural institutes. Based on the collected information, the researchers conducted field trips to investigate whether the record exists as a real location and, if so, acquired their coordinates. This study also provides the tables of Gugok or Dongcheon that only exists in the imagination, existed before but now are lost, or are inaccessible. Eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Gugok. Among them, Gogun Gugok and Okgye Gugok have relatively clear locations and records. Byeokgye Gugok and Suhoe Gugok, on the other hand, has many locations and titles overlapped, and their established time and managers are unclear. As for Ui Gugok in Seoul, it is known to be set by Hong Yangho, but some parts of its locations are confirmed, others are in dispute, and many locations are damaged. Thirty-eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Dongcheon. There are sixteen Dongcheons in Seoul area. Among them, those including Dohwa Dongcheon, Yangsan Dongcheon, and Ssangnyu Dongcheon actually exist but are forbidden to be accessed. There are thirteen Dongcheons in Gyeonggi area. The exact location of Onsu Dongcheon cannot be confirmed because of the development; Gwirae Dongcheon has historical records, but the actual existence cannot be confirmed. There are nine Dongcheons in Gangwon area. The researcher judged that Hwaeum Dongcheon is the misspelled record of Hwaeumdong Jeongsaji (華陰洞精舍址), which is located at the upstream of Gogun Gugok.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.357-375
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to find out methods to control, regulate and prevent sexual violence and provide guidelines for sex education in middle school. This study was conducted to examine factors in relation to sexuality, attitudes toward women, experience of sexual contact, frequencies and kinds of pornography with which they had contact, and sex education. For the data collection, a survey was conducted from September 25 to October 1, 1997 by using prepared questionnaires. Questionnaires were given to 503 students from three different kinds of middle schools in Seoul, Boys, Girls, and Coeducation schools. The data analyses used a PC-SAS. Each item was examined by frequencies and percentage. To compare Boys with Girls, I applied a T-test. In addition, with the kinds of school type, I applied anANOVA, ${\chi}^2$. Moreover, For investigating and analyzing each category, I categorized knowledge and attitude of sexuality, with precautionary measures of sexual violence. After that I applied T-test, ANOVA, and a Pearson's correlation for each category. The instruments of this study consisted of 9 domains. (1) General characteristics of the respondents (2) 9 questions about the interaction between he/she and his/her parent. (3) 12 questions, concerning A Scale for Attitudes of Adolescents Toward women(AWSA). (4) 26 questions related to sexual knowledge. (5) 25 questions about sexual attitude (6) strategies for prevention of sexual violence-33 questions (7) 5 questions related to sexual behavior (8) the experience of contact with pronography. (9) the experience of sex-education. The major results were summarized as follows; 1. Like many researches, This study shows that the girls are more eqalitarian than boys. The girls mean ($40.90{\pm}3.67$) is significantly higher than boys ($34.72{\pm}3.77$). Most Koreans have believed that there are many differences between men's roles and women's ones, because of confucianism which had been implied in most thought and ideas since the Lee dynasty. Therefore, the result is not surprising at all. 2. Most students answered correctly the questions of sexual knowledge. The girl's score was higher ($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $48.88{\pm}2.39$) than the boys' ($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $46.95{\pm}3.90$)(p 0.001). Nevertheless, the hypothesis that sexual knowledge influences sexual attitude and its behavior was rejected. 3. When twenty-five questions were asked about sexual attitude, the girl students investigated were found to have a more propre sexual attitude than that of the boys. A significant difference was found between boys and girls(p=0.001). The result shows that a person who has more experience in viewing pornography and who smokes will have a more distorted view of sexuality. 4. There are many students who have experienced of sexual contact. They need to take a sex education program about contraception and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases. Systematic and concrete sex education is one way to lead them to proper sexual behavior. 5. Most respondents rejected stereotyped attitudes towards women. Boys, however, were more likely to accept stereotypes of Women. The girl's mean($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $40.90{\pm}3.67$) is higher than the boys($Mean{\pm}SD$ : $34.72{\pm}3.77$)(p=0.0001). 6. Many boys ignored the rules for prevention of sexual violence. A boy or a girl who has more experience of sexual contact over kiss and sex-typed neglected the rules, too(p=0.001). Today, there is increasing juvenile delinquency related to sexuality. This study provided the basic material for a preventive education system. I believe that a systematic and concrete sex education system can be helpful for adolescents and promote their responsibility as well as cultivate morality about sexuality. As a result, juvenile delinquency can be decreased. This study is basically aimed to provide information for a prevenative education system of sexual violence. Further research is recommended to evaluate programs in schools.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

The results of this study conducted to identify the substance, regional characteristics or landscaping of Namwon Yonghogugok, which is the only valley of Jiri Mountain, based on Kim Samun's 'Yonghokugok-Gyeongseungannae(龍湖九曲景勝案內)', 'Yongseongji(龍城誌)' and position, meaning of letters carved and projection technique by ArcGIS10.0 on the rocks are as below. The feature landscapes of the canyon of Yonghogugok, which is an incised meander and one of the Eight beautiful scenery of Namwon, ponds, cliffs and rocks generated with metamorphic rocks and granites weathered by rapids torrents. As a result of measuring the GPS coordinates of the letters carved on the rocks, excluding the 3 Gok Hakseoam and the distances based on the origin and destination of the letters carved on the rocks using the API(Application Programming Interface) function of Daum map, the total distance of Yonghogugok was 3.5km and the average distance between the each Gok was 436.5m. It is assumed that Yonghogugok was designated by Sarim(士林) of the Kiho School(畿湖學派) related to Wondong Hyangyak(元洞鄕約) which is the main agent of Yonghojeongsa(龍湖精舍), the forerunner of Yonghoseowon(龍湖書院), between the late Joseon Dynasty and the early Japanese colonial era, in 1927. Its grounds are the existence of Yonghoyeongdang mentioned on 'Yonghojeongsilgi'(龍湖亭實記), records of 'Haeunyugo(荷隱遺稿)', 'Yonghopumje(龍湖品題)' of Bulshindang(佛神堂), 'Yonghojeongsadonggu Gapjachun(龍湖精舍洞口 甲子春)' letters carved on the rocks and 'Yonghogugok-Shipyeong(龍湖九曲十詠)' posted on Mokgandang of Yonghoseowon. Comprehensively considering the numerous poetry society lists carved on the stone wall of Punghodae(風乎臺), the Sixth Gok Yuseondae, its stone mortar, 'Bangjangjeildongcheon(方丈第一洞天)' of Bulshindang and Gyoryongdam(交龍潭), the Yonghoseokmun(龍湖石門) letters carved on the rocks, Yeogungseok adjacent to the First Gok and Fengshui facilities, centered on Yonghoseowon and Yonghojeong, Yonghogugok can be understood as a unique valley culture formed with the thoughts of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Fengshui. 'Yonghogugok-Gyeongseungannae' provides very useful information to understand the place name, called by locals and landscaping aspects of Yonghogugok in the late Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the meaning of "Nine dragons" and even though 12 chu(湫: pond) of Yonghogugok Yongchudong including Bulyeongchu, Guryongchu, Isuchu, Goieumchu and Daeyachu are mentioned on Yongseongji, a part of them cannot be confirmed now. Various place names and facilities relevant to Guryong adjacent to Yonghogugok are the core of the place identity. In addition, the accurate location identification and the delivery of the landscaping significance of the 12 ponds is expected to provide landscaping attractiveness of Yonghogugok and become very useful contents for landscaping storytelling and a keyword of storyboard.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.269-303
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• 2000

The xin(心) has various meanings in ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ but they sometimes contradict each other. This thesis divided the xin into the meaning and the Zang-xiang(藏象), and then analyzed the xin's notion in detail. The concept of the xin in ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ is sorted out into : the notion of space, yin-yang five elements(陰陽五行) and shen(神) The xin is the upper part of body and it possesses the character of yang(陽). So the concept of the breast has originated from this character and it rightly belonged to the top. The xin is assigned to fire among five elements, 'chang(長)', which has the energy of moving forward, noon at a day when yang-qi(陽氣) is properous and shows 'gu(鉤)' & 'keo(矩)' in pulse condition. The xin possesses the character, 'Taiyang of the yang(陽中之太陽)' along with the notion of space combined with five elements. That is, the notion of upper space means 'of the yang(陽中)', and, fire in five elements means 'yang'. This is similar to '=(Taiyang)' of Sasang(四象) at ${\ll}$the Book of Changes(周易)${\gg}$ Since the xin puts shen(神) in order, actions of spirit have effect on the xin. And it depends whether the sense of vitality is broad or narrow. The xin related with broad sense of spirit is 'monarch of the organs(君主之官)'. Therefore it has control over the human body. As it also directly effects the life or death, Pericardium(心句) substitutes the xin and protects the external invasion. In Shi-er-won(十二原) and Bonsu(本輸), instead of the Xin Channel the Pericardium Channel was used in healing patients. The xin can be interpretable as the mind, because the xin includes spirit. The mind can be distinguished into 'desire' and 'state of profound reason'. In ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內徑)${\gg}$, the disease of the xin caused by emotion was mentioned many times. This emotion is 'desire' which resorted to the sentiment. The reason one mind has both character is; man preserves given principle (reason) and emotion reveals via the reason exercised. The above is about the xin related with the broad sense of vitality. Concerning the narrow sense of vitality, one of the five vitalities is stored with the others away in the five solid organs. Then it takes part in the operation of five body constituents and it is linked with the personified description of five solid organs. The xin, spleen, stomach and kidney are 'the ground of life'. Spleen and stomach are the origin of making qi and blood, which 'means the ground after birth'. Kidney keeps the essence of life, and manages the growing and generative function of human body. The xin keeps 'Shin-myung(神明)', in other words, it has control over and supervise whole activity of body. Therefore xin's role is needed for the appropriate working of spleen, stomach and kidney. And 'Shin-myung' is its motive power. In ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$, the reason why xin was assigned to September and October is that yang-qi of the human body goes to the inner part, with xin at the same time. This explains that yang-qi of the human body is adapted to change of season and goes into xin-fire(心火) in order to get away from the cold. In this case, heart means more inner part than liver, spleen and lung. Mengzi(孟子), philosopher of the China's turbulent ages emphasized the thinking function of xin. Sunzi(荀子) asserted that xin is 'heaven monarch(天君)' and the other organs are 'heaven rninisters(天官)'. This conception is similar to 'monarch of the organs' of ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$. After the Ming Dynasty, commentators of Huangdineijing(黃帝內經) explained the heart, as 'monarch of the organs', or 'the master of body(一身之主)'. This was due to the influence of Sung Confucianism.