• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.1-43
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• 2018

This article intends to look for the desirable form of Confucian familism in the era of the 4th Industrial Revolution. First of all, the concept of the fourth industrial revolution is a very vague concept. Therefore, it would be more meaningful to analyze the situation of the family in present Korean society and to find an alternative to it in Confucian familism. But the problem is that it is very burdensome to bring out the Confucian familism idea again. Since Confucian Confucianism was criticized in 1915 during the New Cultural Movement, many people have criticized Confucian familism as patriarchal and authoritarian, and thus an anti-democratic value that seriously damaged the equality of men and women. Therefore, the discussion starts with looking at the justification of such an evaluation. I wanted to see if their evaluation of Confucian familism is legitimate or an unjustified evaluation resulting from misunderstanding, and if it is an inappropriate evaluation, where they are based. In addition, I examined whether the cause of such an evaluation was attributed to the subject who made the evaluation, or because the spectrum of significance contained in the Confucian familism thought formed over 2500 years was too wide. I sought to reassess criticism of the existing Confucian familism by looking for answers to these questions. Through such a reevaluation, I has found that the wrong criticism of Confucian familism was because we saw the Confucian scholarship and the Confucian scholarship without distinguishing the ideological Confucianism from the Qin(秦) Dynasty. In the end, I tried to show that Confucian familism can function as an alternative to resolve family problems that are occurring in today's Korean society through the illuminating work of the ideas of Confucian familism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.87-96
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• 2012

This study aimed at empirically identifying how the cultural phenomena of localisation and attachment are implemented through Mohyeonjeong and Supodae at Gajo-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam. 'Daehakdong', the name of the place where the Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae is located, has a meaning of the place where Geong-Pil Kim(金宏弼) the Hanhwondang(寒暄堂), one of the 5 eastern sages, and Yeo-Chang Jeong(鄭汝昌) the Ildu tought Neo-Confucianism. In addition, in case of Mt. Odo(1,134m) embracing the garden, the meaning of Odo is the five virtues in Confucianism, so we can see that Confucianism was strong in that area. The meaning of 'Mohyeon(慕賢)', "missing and thinking of sages", reflects the emotion of attachment to the place where people pay a tribute to the memory of Seon-Saeng Yang the Hwondu, one of the 5 eastern sages and the creator of Neo-Confucianism in Kyeongnam, and Suk-Ryang Choi(崔淑梁) the ancestors Pyeongchon. In addition, Odojae(吾道齋), Kijeok monument to pay a tribute to the memory of Pyeongchon, the persimmon tree symbolizing Hanhwondang, and Jidongam(志同巖) standing in front of Mohyeon pavillion represent the united wills of the above 3 people to show their Dohak(道學) spirit by practicing it, and also a reiterated expression of attachment to the place. 'Hwonduyangseonsaeng janggujiso' and 'Pyeongchonchoigong ganghakjiso(坪村崔公講學地所)' engraved on the rock of Myeongso Supodae where they gave a lecture of Neo-Confucianism to local Confucianists for many years and enjoyed nature make us to identify the intrinsic meaning of the location that was inherited in the memory of people. Along with this, most of the content of poetry, restoration records, and Sangryang articles are filled with the content reminding of the historical meaning and origin of Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae, so we can see from this that the place had the spatial meaning of Jangsujiso(藏修之所), 'the place of lecturing and communicating' and respecting ancient sages. This spatial tradition is the result of positive attachment to the place, and Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae is the place where the attachment to the place was made spontaneously througth the localisation. To sum it up, Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae was the place of attachment where one paid a tribute to the memory of ancient sages, and Mohyeonjeong and Supodae rocks were the representative examples of the localisation to show the meaning of the place by implication. Studying the process of attachment and localisation of the place does not only enable us to infer the genuine form of the traditional memorial space and park, but also to reproduce the place with the modern concept.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.321-350
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to identify the difference between Sangsan-Simhak(象山心學) and Yangming-Simhak(陽明心學). This means that the whole history of Sung Confucianism needs to be understood based on changing philosophical paradigm according to the times, not general perception which regards the whole history of Sung Confucianism as Li-Hak (理學) and Sim-Hak(心學). This kind of perception is caused by the general perception which divides Sung Confucianism into Sim-Hak and Li-Hak. We regard the former as Chung-Chu study and the latter as Liu-Yang study. Because of this, Sangsan study is recognized as the former stage study of Yangming study and can not be placed in independent position in whole history of Sung Confucianism. And Sang is regarded that it takes diametrical opposition with Chuhsi study. So it is said that there is no point of sameness among them. But Sangsan study was generated from 'Song-Hak(宋學)' based on paradigm of Li-Hak and Yangming study was generated from 'Ming-Hak(明學)' based on paradigm of Sim-Hak. The difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' is generated from proposition called 'Sim is Li (心卽理)' that most research has overlooked. To identify these things, this paper examine the philosophical difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' and analyze the proposition 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' that regards Sangsan study and Yangming study as same philosophical system. And this paper identify the philosophical difference between Sangsan study and Yangming study by examining the method that the concept of 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' is applied in moral cultivation. This paper shows that the difference of interpretation about the concept of Li(理), between 'Song-Hak' based on Li paradigm and 'Ming-Hak' based on Ki-Hak(氣學) paradigm, causes different meaning in 'Sim is Li(心卽理)'. Through these, this paper demonstrate the difference between the paradigm of 'Song-Hak' that Chuhsi study and Sangsan study have and the paradigm of 'Ming-Hak' that Yangming study has and the fact which Sangsan study is systematic philosophy of Sung Confucianism in itself not former stage of Yangming study.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

The key concept of political thoughts of Confucianism is 'Tian(天)=the Heaven' and 'Ren(人)=the Human being'. In particular, the meaning of 'the Heaven(天)' is profoundly exclusive in Confucianism in comparison to the other concepts. It is because that 'the Heaven' is connected with 'Ri(理)' which explains the human being and the heaven metaphysically, and the discussions about those concepts have also been widening to the political field. And if the concept of 'the Heaven's nature(天命)' is excluded, it is difficult for us to discuss the essence of political thought of Confucianism. This paper argued how the politicalization of 'the Heaven' which was private dimension of monarch in the strict sense, changed to the public dimension of people in Japan in the early 18th century through some theories of the two famous philosopher, Ito-Jinsai(伊藤仁齋) and Ogyu-Sorai(荻生?徠) who belonged to the 'Kogakuha(古學派)'. The doctrines of Chu-tzu(朱子學) has hold absolute authority over the history of the oriental political thoughts. But the authority have gone through the stage of disorganization in a unique space called Eto(江戶) era of Japan. Therefore, the interpretations and concept establishments in a new dimension are naturally formed in that periods about 'Min(民)=People'. Based on discussions like this, the purpose of this paper is to study how those movements are emerged in what kinds of thinking and debating process. In part of Ito-Jinsai, this paper have reconsidered the concept of 'People' which Jinsai had thought and examined closely with critical mind about 'In(仁)=Mercy'. In case of Ogyu-Sorai, this paper have argued his political theory of 'the welfare of the people in the nation(安民天下)', in clarifying with the concept of 'the Roads of the Saint(先王의 道)' and the meaning about his declaration that "the Six Scripture(六經) is things(物)". The meaning of political view of this two philosopher is in the point to suggest some kinds of cure for problems of those days with the former days values. In the Jinsai's doctrine, that cure is 'the realization of the rule of right(王道)' based on new interpretation of 'Mersy'. And in case of Sorai, that is a form of independence of politics from morality based on 'the Roads of the Saint'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.311-349
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• 2010

This report introduces the papers on Japanese Confucianism and Kokugaku thought written in Japanese, Korean, Chinese language and English during 2008. In this paper the data is based on the periodicals index databases of the digital libraries such as the National Diet Library of Japan, the China Academic Journal of China, the National Central Library of Taiwan and the National Assembly Library of Korea and so on. There were 42 articles published on the Japanese Confucian School. In the articles, 29 ones were written in Japanese, 7 in Korean, 4 in Chinese, and 2 in English. 54 articles were published on Yangming School, 41 written in Japanese, 2 in Korean, 10 in Chinese, 1 in English. 50 ones also published on Kohaku School or Mitogaku School. In the articles there were 32 ones written in Japanese, 7 in Korean, 9 in Chinese, 2 in English. And 58 ones on Kokugaku School were published, 51 were written in Japanese, 4 in Korean, 1 in Chinese, 2 in English. Totally 204 articles were written in Japanese, Korean, Chinese, or English language in 2008 throughout the world. This report is divided into 4 chapters, such as Chapter 1 - Syusigaku School, Chapter 2 - Youmeigaku school, Chapter 3 - Kohaku School and Mitogaku School and Chapter 4 - Kokugaku School. In each chapter, some articles are briefly introduced and some are in detail.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.185-211
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• 2017

Lee Neung Hwa is a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty, renowned for his studies of Korean studies. In this thesis, the study of Confucianism and Buddhism removed the research and teachings of Confucianism as a traditional study of Confucianism. Lee Neung Hwa criticized the social functioning of Confucian texts during the late Joseon Dynasty. His criticisms reflect the historical consciousness of the late Joseon Dynasty. Lee Neung Hwa is also known as the Buddhist religion. The History of Chosun Buddhism is his masterpiece. He pointed out the differences between the Buddhist scriptures of the Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese Buddhist scriptures. Moreover, the Joseon Dynasty felt more integrated into the Japanese Buddhist kingdom than in Japan. And ineunghwa also studied the mythology of Korea. He established a universal cultural phenomenon as a universal cultural phenomenon, which belongs to any ethnic Koreans. He insisted that the Sin Gyo of Dan Gun is the identity of Korean culture. His Founding Myth was not a matter of historical fact. His Founding Myth was a tool of ideological struggle to fight against Japanese imperialism.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.58-65
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• 2015

Compared to pavement of Chinese palace gardens, those of private gardens in south part of the Yangtze River(長江) in China shows variety of patterns. In order to figure out what causes the difference in paving pattern, this article focuses on the traditional Chinese ideologies during the all time. An analysis on 'Classical Gardens of Suzhou', which has been designated as UNESCO World Heritage, was used to determine how ideologies have influence on paving pattern of Classical Gardens. As a result, various Chinese ideologies such as Nature worship, Totemism, Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Folk Culture were found in paving patterns of the private gardens. Pattern of sun in the Retreat & Reflection Garden(Toisawon) is an example of Nature worship among primitive beliefs of ancient China. Phoenix pattern of the Couple's Retreat Garden(Ouyuan, Liuyuan) reflects Totemistic beliefs. Confucianism is the underlying philosophy of Eight Square pattern, Six Square pattern, and Cross Square pattern. These patterns were mainly used to pave large area and easily found in many gardens. Patterns reflect Taoism are "Wufu holding life" pattern(the Five blessing holding life, 五福捧壽), Flat peach pattern, and Alluding Eight Immortals pattern. Paving patterns related to Buddhism are patterns of 'Eight treasures' and Endless knot pattern appears most frequently since it expresses concept of reincarnation well. Paving patterns shows folk culture and beliefs of the time in China are bat, butterfly, dragonfly, frog, carp, and coin(ingot).

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.126-152
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• 1999

The social welfare system in modern world is generally recognized as the most effective measure against the social problems in capitalist societies. When a social welfare program is introduced to solve a social problem, however, it used to cause another new problem at the same time. In order to overcome this circularity, we need to consider not only quantitative but also the qualitative aspect of social welfare. In line with this problematic, this thesis tries to examine the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism in order to rethink the meaning of social welfare. In contrast to the modern social welfare as a social right, the social welfare in Confucianism was basically regarded as the grace of a king whose purpose was to legitimate his domination. But it was also based upon Confucian humanism and institutionalized into the Confucian govern mentality. It was practiced through the Confucian communality whose basic concept lies in the traditional family system. The social welfare in this society was to be fulfilled automatically by promoting the production and by consolidating the solidarity of the community. The social intervention, therefore, was principal1y indirect and preventive rather than direct and postfactum. The social welfare supports in Confucian societies included not only the material but also the psychological. In these senses, it sounds like that the Confucian welfare system reached the very high standard. Although the real practice should be cautiously differentiated from its ideal state, we may find interesting implications from the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.85-101
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• 2002

Landscape civilization in Korea originated in Cochosun(Ancient Chosun) era, this again succeeding to the period of the Three States - Koguryo, Baekje and Silla. The distribution of this culture showed great progress with the association of two particular religions - Buddhism and Confucianism.. Landscape development in Korea has greatly changed during specific times of both cultural and political upheaval in various societies. Religion has had a great deal of influence on landscape development. Traditionally Korean people have had a tendency to favor more natural landscape than man-made structures in landscape : This trend was a quite different concept from that of other oriental countries, not to mention of western countries. In particular, Buddhism influenced natural landscape, far from artificial craftsmanship in landscape. Oriental garden is a typical 'tabloid edition' of natural landscape which consists lakes, islands, ponds, stone monuments, and fruit trees, quite often raising animal in parks and courtyard style house. This style of garden influenced in Chosun Dynasty landscape. Landscaping was usually for royal gardens, cemetery parks or high level of officer's residence. However, landscaping in Chosun Dynasty which had established Confucianism as a state religion gave us a specific designation. It was neither ethnic imitation of the garden style of both China and Japan : People were used to enjoy nature-friendly landscape or sink into the ecstasy of natural scenery itself. The trend that landscape or establishing garden had been aimed at royal family- or bureaucrat-centered formatives was to become an obstacle to the development of landscape techniques in Korea. An example represented in a beautiful garden with fabulous decoration which established in places. This was completely not fit for the nation's feeling.