• Title/Summary/Keyword: Korea Administrative System

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A Study on the Access in the Government Archives & Records Service of Korea (한국 정부기록보존소의 역사기록물 공개에 관한 검토)

  • Lee, Jin-Young
    • Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.129-140
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    • 2003
  • The ultimate goal of preserving and maintaining the records is to use them practically. The effective use of records should be supported by the reasonable recordskeeping systems and access standards. In this report, I examined the Korean laws and administrative systems related to the public records access issues. After I pointed out major problems of the access laws, the Government Information Opening Act (GOIA), and the problems in practices, I suggested some alternatives for the betterment of the access system. The GIOA established "eight standards of exemption to access" not to open some information to protect national interests and privacy. The Public Records Management Act (PRMA) applies to the archives transferred to "professional archives." The two laws show fundamental differences in the ways to open the public records to public. First, the GIOA deals with the whole information (the records) that public institutions keep and maintain, while the PRMA deals with the records that were transferred to the Government Archives. Second, the GIOA provides with a legal procedure to open public records and the standards to open or not to open them, while the PRMA allows the Government Archives to decide whether the transferred records should be opened or not. Third, the GIOA applies to record producing agencies, while the PRMA applies to public archival institutions. One of the most critical inadequacies of the PRMA is that there are no standards to judge to open the archives through reclassification procedure. The GIOA also suggests only the type of information that is not accessible. It does not specify how long the records can be closed. The GARS does not include the records less than 30 years old as its objects of the reclassification. To facilitate the opening of the archives, we need to revise the GIOA and the PRMA. It is necessary to clearly divide the realms between the GIOA and the PRMA on the access of the archives. The PRMA should clarify the principles of the reclassification as well as reclassifying method and exceptions. The exemption standards of the GIOA should be revised to restrict the abuse of the exemption clauses, and they should not be applied to the archives in the GARS indiscreetly and unconditionally.

Tie Spatial Structure of Ch'ang-ts'ai-ts'un Village A Case Study on a Rural Village of Korean Immigrants in Yen-pien Area of China (중국(中國) 연변지구(延邊地區) 조선족(朝鮮族)마을의 구성(構成) 룡정시 지신향 장재촌을 대상으로)

  • Lee, Kyu Sung
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.83-99
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    • 1994
  • Ch'ang-Ts'al-Ts'un is a rural Village near Lung-jing City in Yen-pien Korean Autonomous Province of China. It was formed about 100 years ago by Korean Immigrants and has been developed maintaing the characteristics of traditional Korean architecture. Therefore investigating the spatial structure of this village is a meanigful work to confirm and explore one branch of Korean architecture. This study aims at analyzing the spatial structure of the village using direct data collected from the field work and indirect data from books and maps. The field work consists of on-the-site survey of the village layout, interviews of residents, observation notes and photography. Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un is located 360-370 m high above the sea level and at the side of a long valley. A river flows in the middle of the valley and relatively flat arable land exists at the both sides of the river. The location of the village related to the surrounding river and mountains suggests that the site of the village was chosen according to Feng-Shui, Chinese and Korean traditional architectural theory. The main direction of the house layouts is South-western. The village has been growing gradually until today. Therefore it is meaningful to make the village layout before Liberation(1946 A.D.) because the characteristics of Korean architecture prevailed more in that period. The area of the previous village is limited to the west side of the creek. New houses were later added to the east of the creek, forming a 'New Village'. Previously the village was composed of 3 small villages: Up, Middle and Down. Also the main access roads connecting the village with the neighboring villages were penetrating the village transversely. Presently the main access road comes to the village longitudinally from the main highway located in front of the village. The retrospective layout shows the existence of well-formed Territory, Places and Axes, thus suggesting a coherent Micro-cosmos. The boundary of imaginery territory perceived by present residents could be defined by linking conspicous outside places sorrounding the village such as Five-mountains, Front-mountain, Shin-dong village, Standing-rock, Rear-mountain and Myong-dong village. Inside the territory there are also the important places such as Bus-stop, Memorial tower of patriots, Road-maitenance building and the village itself. And inside it 5 transverse and 1 longitudinal axes exist in the form of river, roads and mountains. The perceived spatial structure of the village formed by Places, Axes and Territory is geometrical and well-balanced and suggests this village is fit for human settlement. The administrative area of the village is about 738 ha, 27 % of which is cultivated land and the rest is mountain area. Initially the village and surrounndings were covered with natural forest But the trees have been gradually cut down for building and warning houses, resulting in the present barren and artificial landscape with bare mountains and cultivated land. At present the area of the village occupied by houses is wedge-shaped, 600 m wide and 220 m deep in its maximum. The total area of the village is $122,175m^{2}$. The area and the rate of each sub-division arc as follow. 116 house-lots $91,465m^{2}$ (74.9 %) Land for public buildings and shops $2,980m^{2}$ (2.4 %) Roads $17,106m^{2}$ (14.0 %) Creek $1,356m^{2}$ (1.1 %) Vacant spaces and others $9,268m^{2}$ (7.6 %) TOTAL $122,175m^{2}$ (100.0 %) Each lot is fenced around with vertical wooden pannels 1.5-1.8 m high and each house is located to the backside of the lot. The open space of a lot is sub-divided into three areas using the same wooden fence: Front yard, Back yard and Access area. Front and back yards are generally used for crop-cultivation, the custom of which is rare in Korea. The number of lots is 116 and the average size of area is $694.7m^{2}$. Outdoor spaces in the village such as roads, vacant spaces, front yard of the cultural hall, front yard of shops and spacse around the creek are good 'behavioral settings' frequently used by residents for play, chatting, drinking and movie-watching. The road system of the village is net-shaped, having T-junctions in intersections. The road could be graded to 4 categories according to their functions: Access roads, Inner trunk roads, Connecting roads and Culs-de-sac. The total length of the road inside the village is 3,709 m and the average width is 4.6 m. The main direction of the road in the village is NNE-SSE and ESE-WNW, crossing with right angles. Conclusively, the spatial structure of Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un village consists of various components in different dimensions and these components form a coherent structure in each dimension. Therefore the village has a proper spatial structure meaningful and appropriate for human living.

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The Operation of Home Economics Education Course in Graduate School of Education and the Graduate Students' Perception (서울소재 교육대학원 가정교육전공 교육과정에 대한 운영실태와 교육대학원생의 인식)

  • Lee, Seon-Jung;Shin, Hye-Won
    • Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.173-186
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    • 2008
  • This study aimed to examine the operation of the Home Economics education courses in the graduate schools of education, and to find out how graduate students perceive them. Data were collected with the use of handbooks issued by 11 graduate schools of education located in Seoul, and through telephone conversations with the administrative staff. To determine how graduate students majoring in Home Economics perceive their Home Economics courses, a survey was conducted among the graduate students in 10 graduate schools of education, and a total of 131 accomplished questionnaires were used for data analysis. The results of the study are as follows. First, all 11 graduate schools aimed to retrain their teachers, enhance their professionalism, and produce home economics education experts. The Home Economics Education courses come in two strands; a teacher's course and a major course. Most of the schools require a total of 30 credits. All Schools lack professors. Only 3 graduate schools have a home Economics Department in the College of Education. All graduate schools are offering a teacher's course based on a teacher's certification system. In a major course, Home Economics education has the largest number of subjects, with Clothing and Textiles and Food and Nutrition being given greater emphasis, and Consumer Economics, Home Economics Management, Child Care, and Family and Housing Studies being given less emphasis. Second, they mostly regard the graduate school of education as producer of experts, followed by producers of teachers and teacher re-trainers. Those who were majoring in Home Economics Education in college, and the teachers, are more interested in teacher re-training, while the non-teachers and those who were not majoring in Home Economics Education are more interested in producing teachers. They are less satisfied with the operation of the graduate school of education. But they are generally satisfied with the Home Economics Education course. Graduate students registered the lowest satisfaction with a major course, especially experimental subjects. For a teacher's course, the graduate students who are not teachers exhibited higher satisfaction, whereas the teachers showed lower satisfaction. But teachers registered more satisfaction with the practical use of major subjects in the educational field, thinking that their major was a big help in their work at a school. As for what has to be improved with regard to the Home Economics Education course, many cited the necessity of securing a good faculty and expanding the major subjects.

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Law and Love in (<춘향전>에서의 법(法)과 사랑)

  • Kim, Jong-Cheol
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.38
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    • pp.175-200
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    • 2018
  • From the point of view of the law and public morals in Yi-dynasty, it is possible to discover new meanings in the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee, the conflicts between Chunhyang and Hakdo-Byeon, and the rescue of Chunhyang by Mongryong-Lee as a secret royal inspector. First, although the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee was against the law and public morals of Yi-dynasty, the narrator did not call to account, but he described the love as a romantic and new one conflicting with the ruling system. And it was an unprecedented case that Chunhyang asked a written contract as a legal guarantee for marriage when Mongryong-Lee courted her. Second, Hakdo-Byeon, the Namwon county governor, accused Chunhyang, a female entertainer of the Namwon county, of disobedience to his oder and contempt of him, and interrogated her with torture when she denied his demand for bed service which was prohibited by law. Chunhyang refuted against him and regarded his demand for bed service as the rape of a married woman. In this process, narrator sharply contrasted Chunhyang's claim for human rights with Hakdo-Byeon's legal administration. Characters such as people of Namwon county and king did not call Mongryong-Lee to account for that he, as a secret royal inspector, allegedly used his power privately to rescue his sweetheart Chunhyang from Hakdo-Byeon's illegal oppression. These different judgements on legal administrations of Hakdo-Byeon and Mongryong-Lee came from the legal emotion of characters and reading publics of . Namely, people who sympathized with Chunhyang's claim for love and human rights had the legal emotion that Mongryong-Lee's administrative order suspending Hakdo-Byeon's govenor's status could be approved as an legal and exciting one. Therefore the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee implied a new legal emotion which based on the sympathy with Chunhyang's human rights consciousness, and regarded the positive law of Yi - dynasty as one behind times.

Optimal Designs of Urban Watershed Boundary and Sewer Networks to Reduce Peak Outflows (첨두유출량 저감을 위한 도시유역 경계 및 우수관망 최적 설계)

  • Lee, Jung-Ho;Jun, Hwan-Don;Kim, Joong-Hoon
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Hazard Mitigation
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.157-161
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    • 2011
  • Although many researches have been carried out concerning the watershed division in natural areas, it has not been researched for the urban watershed division. If the boundary between two urban areas is indistinct because no natural distinction or no administrative division is between the areas, the boundary between the urban areas that have the different outlets (multi-outlet urban watershed) is determined by only designer of sewer system. The suggested urban watershed division model (UWDM) determines the watershed boundary to reduce simultaneously the peak outflows at the outlets of each watershed. Then, the UWDM determines the sewer network to reduce the peak outflow at outlet by determining the pipe connecting directions between the manholes that have the multi-possible pipe connecting directions. In the UWDM, because the modification of the sewer network changes the superposition effect of the runoff hydrographs in sewer pipes, the optimal sewer layout can reduce the peak outflow at outlet, as much as the superposition effects of the hydrographs are reduced. Therefore, the UWDM can optimize the watershed distinction in multi-outlet urban watershed by determining the connecting directions of the boundary-manholes using the genetic algorithm. The suggested model was applied to a multi-outlet urban watershed of 50.3ha, Seoul, Korea, and the watershed division of this model, the peak outflows at two outlets were decreased by approximately 15% for the design rainfall.

A Study on the Correspondence and the Autonomy between the Act on the Guarantee of Rights of and Support for Persons with Developmental Disabilities and the Similar Ordinances of the Local Governments (발달장애인 권리보장 및 지원에 관한 법률과 지방자치단체 유사조례 간의 연계성과 자치성에 관한 연구)

  • Jeon, Jihye;Lee, Sehee
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.367-402
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    • 2018
  • This study analyzed the relationship between the act on the guarantee of rights of and support for persons with developmental disabilities(Act for PWDD) and the similar ordinance of the local governments based on this law and focused on the correspondence(the rate of reflection) and the autonomy(differentiation). As of October 2017, 63 local government regulations and Act for PWDD were analyzed in this study. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the rate of reflection in the ordinance of Act for PWDD was different according to the clause. In the aspect of emphasizing welfare support, the agreement between local ordinance and rate was high. While the Act for PWDD emphasized the rights of persons with developmental disabilities, there was little information about their right in the ordinance of local governments. This is evidence that current ordinance is based on the protective point of view for people with developmental disabilities. In the future, policy measures will be needed to ensure that respect for decision-making by persons with developmental disabilities and rights guarantees are included in the bylaws. Second, there is a provision that the rate of ordinance reflection is 0%, which may be guaranteed by other laws in the area, so it does not mean the absence of related system in the region, but there is possibility of institutional blind spot. In the future, consideration should be given to the complementarity of other legal systems in the area with developmental disabilities, so that persons with developmental disabilities should not be placed in institutional blind spots. Third, the autonomy(differentiation) of local ordinance was examined from the contents aspect and the administrative aspect to help practical implementation. The differentiation between the ordinances vary. Emphasizing the responsibilities of the head of the organization, emphasizing the fact-finding survey, setting up the welfare committee, or adding local needs were included to the ordinance. Local governments considering the enactment of ordinances in the future should refer to these cases and establish enactable local ordinances that take advantage of the characteristics of local autonomy.

A Study on Development of Education Program Using Presidential Archives for the Free Learning Semester (자유학기제에 적용가능한 대통령기록물 활용 교육프로그램 개발)

  • Song, Na-Ra;Lee, Sung Min;Kim, Yong;Oh, Hyo-Jung
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.51
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    • pp.89-132
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    • 2017
  • The presidential records reflect the era of the times, and it has valuable evidence to support the administrative transparency and accountability of government operations. People's interest in the presidential records increased in response to its recent leak. The presidential archives were moved to Sejong in line with its desire to provide public-friendly services. This study will help users access the archives and utilize archiving information. The Ministry of Education introduced the free learning semester, which all middle schools have began conducting since 2016. The free learning semester provides an environment where education can be provided by external organizations. As middle school students are still unfamiliar with archives, the free learning semester provides a good environment for accessing archives and records. Although it serves as an opportunity to publicize archives, existing related studies are insufficient. This study aims to develop the free learning semester program using the presidential archives and records for middle school students during the free learning semester based on the analysis of the domestic and foreign archives education program. This study shows a development of the education program using presidential archives and records through literature research, domestic and foreign case analysis, and expert interview. First, through literature research, this research understood the definition of the free learning semester as well as its types. In addition, this research identified the four types of the free learning semester education program that can be linked to the presidential archives. Second, through website analysis and the information disclosure system, this research investigated domestic and foreign cases of the education program. A total of 46 education programs of institutions were analyzed, focusing on student-led education programs in the foreign archives as well as the education programs of the free learning semester in domestic libraries and archives. Third, based on these results, This study proposed four types of free learning semester education programs using the presidential archives and records, and provided concrete examples.

A Development of Facility Web Program for Small and Medium-Sized PSM Workplaces (중·소규모 공정안전관리 사업장의 웹 전산시스템 개발)

  • Kim, Young Suk;Park, Dal Jae
    • Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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    • v.60 no.3
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    • pp.334-346
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    • 2022
  • There is a lack of knowledge and information on the understanding and application of the Process Safety Management (PSM) system, recognized as a major cause of industrial accidents in small-and medium-sized workplaces. Hence, it is necessary to prepare a protocol to secure the practical and continuous levels of implementation for PSM and eliminate human errors through tracking management. However, insufficient research has been conducted on this. Therefore, this study investigated and analyzed the various violations in the administrative measures, based on the regulations announced by the Ministry of Employment and Labor, in approximately 200 small-and medium-sized PSM workplaces with fewer than 300 employees across in korea. This study intended to contribute to the prevention of major industrial accidents by developing a facility maintenance web program that removed human errors in small-and medium-sized workplaces. The major results are summarized as follows. First, It accessed the web via a QR code on a smart device to check the equipment's specification search function, cause of failure, and photos for the convenience of accessing the program, which made it possible to make requests for the it inspection and maintenance in real time. Second, it linked the identification of the targets to be changed, risk assessment, worker training, and pre-operation inspection with the program, which allowed the administrator to track all the procedures from start to finish. Third, it made it possible to predict the life of the equipment and verify its reliability based on the data accumulated through the registration of the pictures for improvements, repairs, time required, cost, etc. after the work was completed. It is suggested that these research results will be helpful in the practical and systematic operation of small-and medium-sized PSM workplaces. In addition, it can be utilized in a useful manner for the development and dissemination of a facility maintenance web program when establishing future smart factories in small-and medium-sized PSM workplaces under the direction of the government.

Survey Studies on Serviceable Sericultural Communities in Korea (養蠶適地選定에 관한 調査硏究)

  • Choe, Byong-Hee;Gwon, Yeong-Ha;Mun, Jae-Yu;Baek, Hyeon-Jun;Lee, Geon-Yeong;Lee, Sang-Pung;Lee, Won-Ju;Im, Su-Ho;Jo, Dong-Ok;Kim, Seong-Ho;Hwang, Hong-Do;Kim, Gi-Seok;Kim, Su-Gyeong;Go, Nak-Yong;So, Byeong-Ju;Lee, Geon-U;Lee, Jae-Ok;Im, Dong-Rak;Jo, Jin-Gu
    • Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.34-43
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    • 1983
  • These studies have been carried out to find better locations for sericultural service regardless of the international silk market fluctuation in Korea. In order to acieve the purpose, various investigations and analyses have been carried out for more than four hundred sericultural communities to find out the main factors which caused to decrease in cocoon production in spite of a gloomy past silk market. Now, we believe that we have set up some fundamental guide lines in developing sound serviceable sericultural communities in Korea in case the government accepts the written advices, and the results obtained are as follows: 1. The Korean sericulture has been very prosperous from the 60's to the 70's. In 1976 the cocoon production was at its peak, reaching 41,704M/T from which its decline took place with annual averages of 18.5% for total cocoon production and 16.4% for mulberry field. These figures represent a quantitative decrease to one-third of the total amount in 1976. Since then, the Korean sericulture had continuously suffered from a shortage of raw silk resulting in a slow development of sericulture. At present, a steady development through all possible measures is great importance. 2. The downfall of the korean sericulture resulted from two factors of such as the external, which led to the decline in the price of raw silk at the international market and restrain of import and, the internal, resulting in the little increase of cocoon price and a comparatively lower benefits from the sericulture than from other cash crops. 3. The already established sericultural zone collapsed and then reorganized with the outstanding regional specialization so the decline in total cocoon production in the country. Based on the agricultural regions, 1980 cocoon production was very stable in the mountaineaus area of the east-south which used with intercropping. In this area there was small decline of 33% compare with that of the 1979, and with 70% decline in the dry field farming area of Kangwon Do. In an administrative districtwise, six counties beginning with Sanchnung county of Kyungsang Nam Do, showed less than 20% decline of cocoon production, sixteen counties beginning with Samchuck county of Kangwon Do marked above 80% decrease of cocoon production. In the smaller unit area-wise, there was a big difference among them. twenty-five myons rather increased and a hundrd fourty-three myons decreased above 80% of it. 4. The cocoon production was positively correlated with the decreasing percentage of cocoon production per household. It was also affected by the ratio of the mulberry field area to the total cultivated area per household and cocoon productivity per 10a. 5. Four hundred sixty-four villages in the seventeen counties were surveyed on the basis of farm management and techniques concerned ('80/'79), and then the results were evaluated by using of computer. These results are summarized as foolows: (1) Cocoon production per household There was no difference among the agricultural regions in cocoon production. The cocoon production per household in the comparatively stable villages increased from 100.8kg in 1979 to 122kg in 1981. Cocoon yield in the stable villages decreased by 20% of '81/'79. The cocoon production per house hold in while that of the unstable villages decreased by more than 40% from 102.9kg in 1979 to 82kg in 1981. (2) Cocoon yield per 10a mulberry field The cocoon yield per 10a was higher in the plain area than in the mountaineous area. The stable villages had an average of 73.4kg cocoon yield/10a while the unstabe ones had only an average of 55kg. (3) Adoption the mulberry branch rearing method The branch rearing method was more popular in the plain area than in the mountainous area. In the stable vilages adopted 24.2% in spring and 16.7% in autumn of 1979. In 1981 it shwed increases of 34.3% and 10.1% in the two seasons respectivly. However, the unstable villages showed 13.3% and 126% in both seasons, respectively. (4) The patterns of the combined management system in the sericultural farming The popular management system in the sericultural from was combined with rice and other cash crops, showing 55% of the total households surveyed. Fourteen percent of the households combined the management system with rice and other cash crops and 14% of the households combined with rice only. The villages wich earned less than 20% of the total income from the sericulture reached 81% of the total houscholds indicating that they were still far beyond a complete combination system. (5) Damage by agricultural chemicals The damage caused by agricultural chemicals was mainly due to the protection of rice against insectpests and diseases in the plain areas and took place mostly in the autumn season. The chemicals applied was 65% of Iiquid and 35% of powder forms and 35% of damage was from granulat form of the chemicals. The use of the granular chemicals was low because of high cost.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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