• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.37-64
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• 2014

The year 2010 has been regarded as a year of China's assertive diplomacy. A series of China's behavior--including China's critical reaction to the U.S. for its sales of weapons to Taiwan, the Dalai Lama's visit to President Obama, China's arbitrary designation of 'core interests' over the South China Sea, China's inordinate reactions to the sinking of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong bombardment, and China's activities in the Senkaku/Diaoyu island areas--has served as the witnesses to China's assertive diplomacy in 2010. The major causes of China's assertive diplomacy can be summed up by three factors: potential power transition from U.S. to China; emerging China's nationalism; and the recession of the Tao Guang Yang Hui as a diplomatic principle. But a majority of Western sinologists claim that China's assertive diplomacy is defensive in terms of its character. China's neighboring states, however, perceive its assertive diplomacy as diplomatic threat. Due to these states' geographical proximity and capability gaps with China, these neighbors experience difficulties in coping with China's behavior. In particular, China's coercive economic diplomacy, in which China tends to manipulate the neighbors' economic dependency on China for its diplomatic leverage, is a case in point for China's assertive diplomacy. China's assertiveness seems to be continued even after the inauguration of Xi Jinping government. Although the Xi government's diplomatic rhetorics in "New Type of Great Power Relationship" and the "Convention for Neighboring States Policy" sound friendly and cooperative, its subsequent behavior, like unilateral announcement of Chinese Air Defense Identification Zone (CADIZ), does not conform with its rhetoric. Overall, China's assertiveness has been consolidated as a fashion of its diplomacy, and it is likely to continue in its relations with neighbors. As a neighboring state, the ROK should approach to it with more balanced attitude. In addition, it needs to find out a new diplomatic leverage to deal with China in accordance with its security environment, in which China plays a growing role.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.1-21
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• 2010

The two main purposes of this paper are to (1) identify factors that influence the safety of e-Business and (2) investigate the explanatory power of these factors on firm performance. Through an extensive literature review and expert panel reviews, a list of 9 factors consisting of 36 items was compiled. In the second stage, questionnaires were administered to managers of e-Business companies in the metropolitan area of Seoul, Korea. Respondents rate 'Information Management,' as the most influencing factor, and then in the order of 'Payment,' 'Security Programs,' and 'Intrusion.' And survey results show that factors have very significant explanatory power for firm performance. While 'Information Management,' 'Delivery,' 'Intrusion,' and 'Security Programs' are the most explanatory factors for Tobin's q, 'Government Policy,' 'Delivery,' 'Intrusion,' 'Awareness,' and 'Security Programs' show most explanatory power for ROA.

• Current Photovoltaic Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.59-73
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to develop a business model that efficiently converts diesel power generation systems to renewable energy microgrids (MG) in large-scale islands. Most of the previous studies on the conversion of renewable energy MG in islands had limitations dealing with efficiency from the perspective of suppliers. However, the microgrid has the characteristic of getting benefits through the interaction between the consumer and the supplier. In addition, the efficient MG business model from the perspective of new institutional economics is a structure in which consumers and suppliers jointly participate. Therefore, this study assumed that the MG business model in which the supplier's MG and the consumer's community solar participated would benefit all participants, and verified the assumptions using domestic island data. In terms of supplier investment, the cost of power supply (LCOE) of assumed model was calculated to be 14.0% lower than that of the diesel model and 3.7% lower than that of the supplier-only MG model. From the perspective of consumer investment, electricity bills are expected to be reduced by more than 200,000 won per household per year through self-generation of solar power. Social benefits are expected to reduce external environmental costs. The CO₂ emissions of the assumed model were calculated to be 39.5% lower than the diesel model and 1.5% lower than the supplier-only MG model. Therefore, the MG business model with consumer participation proposed in this study is expected to be an efficient alternative to renewable energy MG conversion in domestic islands, and is meaningful as an energy plan that improves the benefits of local residents.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.507-514
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• 2018

Technology-intensive industries can be used as a major growth engine for resource poor country in the territories. For example, in the case of Korea, nuclear power and radiation technology industry was highly developed, and it was possible to obtain national interests such as solving energy problems within the country and exporting nuclear power plants. On the other hand, there are cases where national damage is caused by erroneous governmental policy-making on technology-intensive sectors. In this study, we analyzed cases of misguided governmental policy-making for technology-intensive industry and three factors were identified. And we tried to develop a rational policy-making model using three types of allison's model in combination. The results of this study are expected to be useful for rational governmental policy-making processes for technology-intensive industries.

• Current Photovoltaic Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.86-93
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• 2020

The investment in solar and wind generation is rapidly increasing with government's renewable expansion policy and Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS). Since the large penetration of solar and wind generation increases the variability and uncertainty of supply and demand balance in power system, the government is pursuing the policy of supplying energy storage system (ESS) linked to renewable energy. ESS contributes to the ease of transmission and distribution grid by shifting PV generation from daytime to evening hours. Recently, the declining market price of REC as ESS incentive, policies to cut down incentives and limited ESS storage due to fire events lead to the aggravation of long-term profitability, thus working as a barrier of ESS spreading. In this study, the factors affecting the profit of ESS are analyzed and brief indicators are derived. Based on the indicators, the profit changes are analyzed considering the variation of REC market price and REC incentive weights. Based on the profit change with respect to the increase of ESS capacity, economical ESS installation capacity is suggested.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.1-9
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• 2015

The Japanese government has carried out the power industry reform in three phases to supply power stably, control the rise of electricity tariff, and expand consumer choices. The reform of the Japanese electric power industry fosters new kinds of businesses as well as changes the competitive structure in which the enterprises participating electricity business compete. However, for the power industry restructuring to be done smoothly, the accompanying tasks should be carried out. Korea has also been devoting a lot of efforts to cultivate various types of new industries based on the convergence of energy and information and communications technology. If there are the same kinds of new industries between the two countries, the progresses of the industries can be compared to each other over a period of time.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.222-228
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• 2017

Background: On June 18, 2017, Korea's first commercial nuclear reactor, the Kori Nuclear Power Plant No. 1, was permanently suspended, and the capacity of nuclear power generation facilities will be adjusted according to the governments denuclearization policy. In these circumstances, it is necessary to assess the quality of radiation safety management in nuclear power plants in Korea by evaluating the radiation dose associated with them. Materials and Methods: The average annual radiation dose per unit, the annual radiation dose per person, and the annual dose distribution were analyzed using the radiation dose database of nuclear reactors for the last 5 years. The results of our analysis were compared to the specifications of the Nuclear Safety Act and Medical Law in Korea. Results and Discussion: The annual average per unit radiation dose of global major nuclear power generation was 720 man-mSv, while that of Korea's nuclear power plants was 374 manmSv. No workers exceeded 50 mSv per year or 100 mSv in 5 years. The individual radiation dose according to occupational exposure was 0.59 mSv for nuclear workers, 1.77 mSv for non-destructive workers, and 0.8 mSv for diagnostic radiologists. Conclusion: The radiation safety management of nuclear power plants in Korea has achieved the best outcomes worldwide, which is considered to be the result of the as-low-as-reasonably-achievable (ALARA) approach and strict radiation safety management. Moreover, the occupational exposures were also very low.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.243-273
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to identify learning in games in experimental economic settings, and apply their results to real multilateral trade negotiations, such as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) in the World Trade Organizations (WTO). This paper argues that the structure of games including a veto player (Veto games) is similar to the WTO/DDA negotiations in that the players do not possess identical power. This paper's main contribution to the literature involves showing that learning about power is dominant over learning from simple repetition in Veto games. Additionally, this paper shows that players are concerned about how much they have gained in previous games in Veto games, although their memories generally do not last beyond the next game, and thus they tend to be selfish as they have less shares. Based on these results, there is a possibility to be more generous in the distribution of benefits by allowing players without veto power to retain special rights so that they would not be totally powerless. It also shows the necessity of having "respite" in the process of negotiations and policy options for choosing partners for winning coalitions.