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A research on Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) (Restoration and Medico-Historic Investigation) (향약구급방(鄕藥救急方)에 대(對)한 고증(考證))

  • Sheen, Yeong-Il
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.71-83
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    • 1996
  • Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

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Half a cenury of the rural geography in Korea(1945-1995):review and prospect (촌락지리학 50년(1945-1995)의 회고와 전망)

  • ;Lee, Moon-Jong
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.213-254
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    • 1996
  • The Korean Geographical Society was founded in 1945, when Korea was liberated from the Japanese rule. And The Journal of the Korean Geography activated academic studies of geography by publishing research papers in it. Professor Kang, Dae-Hyun wrote the first two specialized papers of rural geography in 1966: " Flood Plain Settlements on the Han River" and "The Location and Form of the Dispersed Villages around Dae-Cwan-Ryung". The early studies of rural geography were not based on serious academic foundations, such as the adjustment of theoretical notions and a good grasp of subjects. After choosing subjects that came to hand without academic consideration. they simply enumerated generalized items of the results of the field work investigation such as the location the landscape and the process of formation of the settlements. In the 1970s and 1980s, however, rural settlement studies progressed remarkably in Korea. More than 80% of 318 dissertations, theses, or papers collected for this review were written in the late 1980s, and the subjects and methodology became diversified. As may be expected, recent studies are found very systematic and problem-solving in the various fields - contexual understanding spatial structure, the development of clan villages according to the socialization process, the effects of rural-out migration on the change of villages etc. Such a trend can be understood as a reaction to the circumstances under which, as the Western society already experienced, rural villages become washed out by the waves of industralization and urbanization and hardly continue to exist. In this paper, geographical studies of rural settlement which have been carried out in Korea last fifty years will be reviewed under the four headings on the studies related to a) farming villages; b) fishing villages; c) mountain villages: and d) special function villages. Studies of farming villages and related ones are very diverse. The results of the studies carried out last fifty years can be classified into sixteen subjects. Just as, in the West, studies of rural settlement have been mainly concerned with farming villages since rural geography came into being, so, in Korea, they have been centred on farming villages. It is a natural result considering the history of human life. Even in Korea, however the rural settlement is no more an isolated life space which keeps unique traditions of old life style, but it begins to form a dynamic life space connected to big cities by heavy traffic. Because the modern farming villages of Korea have an undetachable connection with the cities, special methodology to solve new problems has been posed in the studies of rural settlement. Many scholars have produced a lot of studies of farming villages, and three of them are prominent: Oh. Hong-Seok, Choi, Ki-Yeop, and Lee, Moon-Jong. Oh, Hong-Seok is a versatile and hard-working scholar who has published more papers than anyone else in the various fields of rural geography such as farming villages, fishing villages, mountain villages, and reclamation villages. And he has expanded his concerns to environment issues in recent years. Choi, Ki-Yeop has maintained that the prototype of Korean rural villages is clan villages continuing to write a series of good papers in which he pursues their regionalizion in the process of socialization. Lee, Moon-Jong divides the spatial organization of side settlement, sahachon (settlement near the temple), religion settlement, orchard settlement, settlement near the foreign military camp, displaced people's settlement. Chung Gam Lok settlement, etc. Though The Korean Geographical Society has half a century's history, academic activties in the field of rural settlement have been performed no more than thirty years. We cannot help saying that it is admirable that in such a rather short time we have five academical schools of the rural geography in Korea. geography in Korea.

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Study on sijo by Young-do Lee (이영도 시조 연구)

  • Yoo, Ji-Hwa
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.42
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    • pp.213-238
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    • 2015
  • Jeongun(丁芸) Lee, Young-do (李永道), who is deemed a representative female poet of Korea, began her literary career in May, 1946 when she published in a publication called "Bamboo Sprout, (죽순)". Her Korean identity, which was formed through her Confucius upbringing as well as traditional value system of her family, had a strong presence in her work, and she remained a quintessential figure in Korea's female sijo poet circle for 30 years until her passing in 1976. Despite the highly acclaimed talent and her noble aspirations, it is undeniable that her works did not receive fair assessment due to her private life. Against this backdrop, it is necessary to deeply inquire the literary values and beauty of Young-do Lee's sijo. As mentioned, Young-do Lee is a solidly established figure in Korea's modern poetry. The following illustrates the spirit and the world of her poetry. First, Young-do Lee lived through turbulent times and it was her country that served as the source of her sijo work. Assessing the multitude of dramatic historical events such as Japanese colonization, 8.15 Liberation of Korea, division of the nation, 6.25 Korean war, 4.19 Revolution, 5.16 military coup, it is natural that patriotism was strongly present in her work who was one of the intellectuals at the time. Second, Young-do Lee is a poet who had experienced more pain than others in terms of the turbulence of the time. Her Korean identity, which was formed through her Confucius upbringing as well as traditional value system of her family, had a strong presence in her work. Third, Jeongun Lee, Young-do is a poet of longing. The abundance and richness of her emotions were fortified through the relationship with another poet, Chihwan Yu. Fourth, Young-do Lee is a poet opened up new horizons for the modennization. The transparency of image reflected in her work and the elaborate nature of her language are outstanding. In summary, Young-do Lee was a true artist, who has a strong presence in Korea's modern poetry society, and who was a poet of patriotism, poet who suffered the turbulence of the times, and a poet of longing.

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Present Status and Future Prospect on Fishing Industry in North Korea (북한수산업(北韓水產業)의 현황(現況)과 전망(展望))

  • Lee, Byoung-Gee;Kim, Jin-Kun;Choe, Jong-Hwa
    • Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.73-82
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    • 1991
  • In recent years, the communication and the trade between the Republic of Korea(South Korea) and the Communist bloc has been activated. The simultaneous entrance of South Korea and North Korea to the United Nations will accelerate the political dialogue and also the trade which is indirectly carried out through a third country at present will be turned into direct way. Fisheries products are also treated as one of the important trade goods and there is a hopeful prospect that the amount of trade will be steeply increased in the near future. Furthermore, there is a great possibility of development up to the joint utilization of fishing grounds or the joint investment in fisheries projects. Concerning such points, since it is very much important to understand the present status of fisheries in North Korea, the author made a study on this field as requested by the Board of Unification, and report a part of the study here. The prominent character of North Korea's ruling sea area is that the sea is completely separated into two regions-the East Sea Region and the West Sea Region-and no continuity exists between them. The East Sea Region locates in the fringe of the biggest fishing ground of the world-the North Pacific Ocean-and very rich in resources not only warm water fishes but also cold water fishes. Especially alaska pollack, Theragra chalcogramma, is caught abundantly in this region. Contrary to that, fishing activity in the West Sea Region seems to be interrupted in winter. Even though some valuable warm water fishes-yellow corvenia, Pseudosciaena manchurica, and hair tail, Trichiurus lepturus, and so forth-come to this region from spring to summer along the coast line of this region for spawning, and vigorous fishing activity is carried out. But the most of them migrate southward to the neighboring waters of Cheju Island for wintering from autumn to winter, and so the fishing activity in this region seems to be interrupted greatly during winter. The total number of fishing boats in North Korea is estimated at 36 thousand and the rate of mechnization at about 70% compared with 99 thousand and 78% in South Korea. North Korea proclaimed an exclusive economic zone of 200 nautical miles in 1977. Specific character of this zone is setting of military boundary zone, up to 50 miles from the base line in the East Sea Region and also it covers whole region of the economic zone in the West Sea Region. Especially in the East Sea Region she set up a straight base line which can not be permissible by the international law. North Korea's statistics on fisheries product has not been announced officially on account of her unique isolationism, but it can be estimated through several data procured. At the first, the amount of fisheries products in the North Korea is reported as about 1.7 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ by Fisheries Statistics which issued by the FAO in 1987, but a North Korea's trade organization announced the amount as 3.5 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ in 1988. The former seems to be underestimated and the latter must be an exaggeration. According to Chikuni, who is a Japanese worker for FAO, prepared the unofficial statistics based on the evidence which he collected through the fineries development plan of the FAO/UNDP, and estimated the mean amount between 1982 and 1984 was 2.4 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ or so. The Board of Unification estimated on the basis of various factors that the amount was 2.2 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ or so in 1987 and in 1988. This seems to be the most reasonable. To solve the chronic lack of foreign currency, North Korea makes effort on the development of fisheries, and has even aimed fisheries product at 11 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ by 1993, but this target looks unrealistic under the present circumstances. Somehow, we can exploit her extreme policy which has gone so far as to establish such an excessive and impractical target. Nevertheless this will be helpful to promote the joint development of the fishery activity between South Korea and North Korea.

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The Diaspora Narrative and Aesthetics in Handol's Tarae (한돌 타래의 디아스포라 서사와 미학)

  • Shin, Sa-Bin
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.189-219
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    • 2020
  • This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.

A Study on Contents Activism Analysis using Social Media - Focusing on Cases Related to Tom Moore's 100 Laps Challenge and the Exhibition of the Statue of Peace - (소셜미디어를 활용한 콘텐츠 액티비즘 분석 연구 - 톰 무어의 '100바퀴 챌린지'와 '평화의 소녀상' 전시를 중심으로-)

  • Shin, Jung-Ah
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.15 no.8
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    • pp.91-106
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    • 2021
  • The purpose of this study is to define the process of leading to self-realization and social solidarity through the process of contents planning, production, and distribution as Contents Activism, and to categorize specific execution steps. Based on this, we try to analyze concrete cases to find out the social meaning and effect of the practice of Contents Activism. As for the research method, after examining the differences between traditional activism and Contents Activism through a review of previous studies, the implementation process of Contents Activism was categorized into 7 steps. By applying this model, this study analyzed two cases of Contents Activism. The first case is the 100 laps challenge in the backyard planned by an elderly man ahead of his 100th birthday in early 2020, when the fear of COVID-19 spread. Sir Tom Moore, who lives in the UK, challenged to walk 100 laps in the backyard to help medical staff from the National Health Service as COVID-19 infections and deaths increased due to a lack of protective equipment. His challenge, which is difficult to walk without assistive devices due to cancer surgery and fall aftereffects, drew sympathy and participation from many people, leading to global solidarity. The second case analyzes the case of 'The Unfreedom of Expression, Afterwards' by Kim Seo-kyung and Kim Woon-seong, who were invited to the 2019 Aichi Triennale special exhibition in Japan. The 'Unfreedom of Expression, After' exhibition was a project to display the Statue of Peace and the lives of comfort women in the Japanese military, but it was withdrawn after three days of war due to threats and attacks from the far-right forces. Overseas artists who heard this news resisted the Triennale's decision, took and shared photos in the same pose as the Statue of Peace on social media such as Twitter and Instagram, empathizing with the historical significance of the Statue of Peace. Activism, which began with artists, has expanded through social media to the homes, workplaces, and streets of ordinary citizens living in various regions. The two cases can be said to be Contents Activism that led to social practice while solidifying and communicating with someone through contents.

Site-Specific Art Practices as Intervention in the Era of Globalization: Focused on Two "Dongducheon" Art Projects (지구화 시대 개입으로서의 예술실천과 장소의 문제 : 동두천 작업을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Young-Ok
    • Women's Studies Review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.73-109
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    • 2010
  • The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.

A Study on the Development of the Traditional Design Content in health and longevity based on the Lucky Signs (길상(吉祥)을 상징하는 수복(壽福) 중심의 전통적인 디자인 콘텐츠 개발에 대한 방향성 연구 - 문화상품디자인 중심으로 -)

  • Jung, Su-yeon;Hong, Dong-sik
    • Journal of Communication Design
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    • v.66
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    • pp.90-101
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    • 2019
  • South Korea had a hard time creating its own image of a nation that formed its identity due to 6.25, Japanese-style rule, division of South and North Korea, and military dictatorship. Recently, Korea has been searching and spreading its identity by creating a Korean wave such as various events and K-POPs. However, since there are still no images and cultural products representing Korea's identity, it is necessary to develop design contents related to native culture and professional cultural product design. Design powers such as France and Japan focus on design projects that can add value to their national design policy projects. Traditional Korean contents also need to be specialized and continuous in image design and research. In this study, five lucky-SubokGangnYeon(long life, happiness and peace), a representative of Korean culture, studied with the most interest in the old and the modern, namely, "Living healthy long." Through the development of cultural product design and the use of design content, I would look forward to presenting the diversity and direction in producing Korea's own design products and images that fit the trend of modern 'age of 100.' Based on images based on special exhibitions related to longevity of the National Folk Museum of Korea, the museum discovers key used features and meanings, studies patterns and patterns, and analyzes design cases applied to modern cultural product design. We also want to look at the direction available through design content, which is a symbol of llong life happiness and peace. First, cultural products have limitations that lack the development of design products, lack of public relations and sales outlets, and lack of awareness of traditional culture, which should precede policy support and awareness reform at the national level. Second, we need to streamline prices that meet the needs of the market. Third, cultural product design and contents related to tradition can be settled and disseminated more easily when traditional design is utilized and distributed mainly on practical stationery and household goods. Fourth, it is necessary to develop contents of various Korean images based on research on Korean cultural history and aesthetic consciousness. Research on the Korean culture of designers should be conducted, not just in the form of figurative images. Fifth, traditional manufacturing methods and materials should be respected by modern times, but modern production products should be developed with economy and durability.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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The Study of Establishing the Multi-pass Eurasian Railroads (유라시아 철도의 다중경로 구축에 관한 연구)

  • Hahm, Beom-Hee;Huh, Nam-Kyun;Hurr, Hee-Young
    • Korean Business Review
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.137-170
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    • 2008
  • This study is presenting the logistics strategy in the international logistics markets which makes competition and corporation among north-east Asian countries to establishing the multi-pass Eurasian railroads. The countries located in north-east area of Eurasia like China, Japan, Russia and Korea are paying higher costs and disutility to the transportations and communications due to repeated conflicts and confrontations causes from the politic problems. They are being used surface transportation for most of all logistics between Europe and Asia except special merchandises because of characteristic of cargo to be air, the Silk Road remains vestige only which was main logistic passage to this area since BC. So far the Trans-Siberian Railway is being used by Russia mostly as north of Eurasian transport because of difficulties of service. The Trans-China Railway built in 1992 is not accomplishing as a international logistic passages. It is expected to take a long lead time because of characteristic of resource development and poor logistic infrastructure to the countries like Uzbekistan, double landlocked country, Mongolia and Azerbaijan, the countries do not be adjacent to the sea, even they have great economic jump-up plans through the development of their own resources. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) start to sail officially in 2001 is constructed with China, Russia, Tadzhikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as regular members of 6 countries and Mongolia, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran as observers 5 countries. It is started as a military alliance to protect terror, but now, it is expended to cooperate with the traffic, transportation, trade and share of energies. The Russia is doing their best to activate TSR as a government target to developnorth area equivalently, and economic develop of far-east Siberia. And also it is agreed provisionally to improve and repair of rail road between Nahjin and Hassan to connect TSR and TKR( Trans-Korea Railroad) by Russia, North Korea and South Korea with Russian's aggressive efforts. The development plan of this area is over lapped with GTI(Greater Tumen Initiative) promoted by UNDP, and is a cooperated project by 5 countries of South Korea, Mongolia, China, Russia and North Korea, subject to review the appropriation of energy, tour, environment, rail road connection between Mongolia and China and establishing a ferry route to north-east Asia. It is Japanese situation to pay attention to Russia and China even they have been supplying large-scope of infrastructure in Mongol area without any charges, target to get East Asia Main Rail Road to connect Mongolia and Zalubino of Russia. In case of the program for the Denuclearization of North Korea is not creeping, it will be accelerated to connect the TKR and TSR, TKR and TCR by somehow attending United States, including developing program promoted by UN ESCAP. As the result, Korean peninsular will continue the central role of competition and cooperation as in the past, now and future of north-east Asia, as of geographical-economics and geographical-politics whether it is requested or not wanted by neighbor countries.

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