• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.1-37
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• 2020

In this paper, we investigated the principle of appropriation by which mythology and literature were accepted in the unique religious context of The Canonical Scripture (Jeongyeong 典經). First, we knew that almost all of the gods that appeared in the discourse of Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) were related to Eastern Yi (東夷) mythology and deeply rooted in folklore. This is because the cultural tendency and historic consciousness of Kang Jeungsan was influenced by Danhakpa (the Danhak School 丹學派). Secondly, when we investigated the acceptance of literature into The Canonical Scripture, we discovered that Tang Poetry (唐詩), Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguoyanyi 三國演義), and Journey to the West (Xiyouji 西遊記) were widely accepted in Kang Jeungsan's discourse. These works were used in diverse ways such as predictions, healing, and meditation. We knew that popular classical work like these were religiously appropriated in the context of The Canonical Scripture. Lastly, we investigated the mechanisms by which mythical and literary imagination was transformed into the Jeungsanist religious movements. Those mechanisms included the magical power of letter and images, sense-cognition of poetry, and the representational ability of mimesis. In conclusion, mythical and literary imagination helped Jeungsanist religious movements gain popularity and spread Kang Jeungsan's soteriology. This is especially true of how it transformed into unique religious techniques which functioned as key elements of the Reordering Works (公事).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.40-53
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• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.78-103
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• 2019

The Conservation Decree of the Chosun Treasures Historic and Natural Monuments (hereinafter referred to as the Conservation Decree), which was enacted during the Japanese colonial period, was preserved in accordance with the provisions of article No. 100 of the constitutional law. However, legislative attempts were made to replace the Conservation Decree during the US military administration and early Korean Government. The first attempt was about the National Treasures Historic and Natural Monuments which were brought in by the Legislative Assembly of South Chosun (1947) during the US military administration. The second was a bill by the government for preservation of historical interests (1950), which was submitted to the National Assembly on March 15, 1950 (the so-called Preservation Act (1950)). These two bills were amended and supplemented on the basis of the existing contents of the Conservation Decree. Afterwards, from 1952 to 1960, the legislation of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act (1959) and the Cultural Heritage Bill (1960) were subsequently introduced and enacted. The government's attempt to enact such a cultural property bill was aimed at the legislature to replace the preservation order system that had been in effect since the Japanese colonial period. However, due to the political situation at the time, these laws did not reach final legislation. In October 1960, the government enacted the Regulations for the Preservation of Cultural Property, which was an administrative edict that was promulgated and enacted in November. This was the first official cultural property decree introduced by the Korean government. With the enactment and promulgation of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in January 1962, Korea's judicial cultural property legislation was established, based on the Korean government's unremitting efforts and experience in legislation of cultural property. In that context, the Cultural Heritage Protection Act is a historical product. The Cultural Heritage Protection Act, which was enacted in 1962, is known to emulate or transplant Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act (1950). It was not fully recognized that it was an extension of the Korean government's legislative process of cultural property during the period of 1945-1960. Therefore, it is important to examine the legislative process of cultural property from 1945 to 1960 to understand the background of enacting the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in 1962 along with the establishment of the Korean Cultural Property Law.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.36-45
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• 2022

This study examines the historical transition process of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in Suncheon, identifies the landscape of the original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in the past and its constituent elements, and compares it with the landscape of the present Hwanseonjeong Pavilion at Jukdobong area. It was intended to identify the problems and draw implications for future restoration of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, the subject of this study, was built in 1543 by Tong-won Shim, the governor of Seungpyeong, as a garden architecture for government. Since then, it has been renovated several times, and as a pavilion representing "Seonhyang(immotal world)" Suncheon in the past, it was located along with an artificially created lake and other elements of the garden at a location where can be seen Dongcheon stream and Jukdobong Peak on the opposite side at a glance. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, which had been safely maintained during the Japanese colonial period, was lost on August 28, 1968 due to a major flood in Suncheon. The difference between Hwanseonjeong Pavilion and other lost is that another Hwanseonjeong Pavilion for the role of archery was built on Jukdobong Peak in 1935, before it was destroyed. The restoration case of Hwanseonjeong pavilion provides the following important implications for the restoration of pavilions as a garden architecture: First, the value of a pavilion is not formed from the building itself, but from the relationship with the surrounding landscape. Therefore, restoration of a pavilion should not be approached in the same way as restoration of buildings. Restoration of a pavilion requires efforts to understand the existing landscape value and to restore landscape elements together with buildings. Second, an artificially created long north-south lake along with Hwanseonjeong pavilion was a very important landscape component and a means of providing a way to enjoy the landscape. For restoration in the cultural context of Hwanseonjeong pavilion, efforts are also required to restore not only the architecture, but also the experience of cultural activities through an integrated examination and restoration based on an understanding of the cultural activities performed in Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Third, compared to the past original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion, the existing Hwanseonjeong Pavilion shows a different shape, composition, scale, color, etc. In terms of the restoration of buildings, it is thought that restoration will be possible only when restoration is done through more accurate historical evidence, research, and investigation.

• Issues in Feminism
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.149-206
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• 2018

This essay is focused on finding women's voice in oral narratives of social memory of national violence and resistance. The books of oral narratives of women who had experienced the national violence and participated in the resistance through historic events such as 5.18, have been published recently. This study is based on the materials that have interviewed women experienced the historic event '5.18' in Gwangju. In this study, there are analyses of the materials of the memory of violence and resistance of '5.18', which have contained the texts written by intellectual males and the oral narratives of females directly involved. So far, the memory and experience of women have not been presented in its entirety in the field of social discourse of '5.18'. In the field women's words were translated in men's words, so the real words disappeared and in the end remained unspoken words. And besides, the existence of women are substituted with the limited images (for example women's body destroyed) presented by men's words in memorial materials. In narratives of '5.18', women are reduced to the images of bodies destroyed by national violence. The destroyed bodies are places for exhibition and disclosure of national violence. Women are not presented as the subjects of the social resistance in oral or written narratives of '5.18'. The images of females are only vehicles to urge the male subjects to resist against unjust violence. In this context, men are interpreted for the protectors of sisters, daughters, wives. Since 1980s, the symbol of '5.18 Gwangju' has represented the most ideal community in Korean society. But women have been on the borderline or outside of the community in fact. However, women intend to construct themselves as the subjects of resistance through the spoken words. They have tried to make the politic places for themselves in the social field by speaking and speaking constantly. The desire to speak out is becoming stronger for women, so these days more words are spoken by more women and more oral narratives made by women are revealed in social discoursive field. So the place for women's voice is expanding in social memorial field of '5.18'.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.4571-4575
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• 2012

Introduction and Purpose: The frequency of bilateral breast cancer is 1.4-11.0% among all breast cancers. It can present as synchronous (SC) or metachronous (MC). Data regarding clinical course of bilateral breast cancer are scarce. In this study, we therefore evaluated demographic, pathological and clinical characteristics, treatments and responses in bilateral breast cancer cases; making distinctions between metachronous-synchronous and comparing with historic one-sided data for the same parameters. Materials and Methods: One hundred fifty bilateral breast cancer cases from ten different centers between 2000 and 2011 were retrospectively scanned. Age of the cases, family history, menopausal status, pathological features, pathological stages, neoadjuvant, surgery, adjuvant and palliative chemotherapy/radiotherapy were examined in the context of the first and second occurrence and discussed with reference to the literature. Results: Metachronous and synchronous groups showed similar age, menopausal status, tumor type, HER2/neu expression; the family history tumor grade, tumor stage, ER-negativity rate, local and distant metastases rates, surgery, adjuvant chemotherapy application rates were identified as significantly different. Palliative chemotherapy response rate was greater in the metachronous group but median PFS rates did not differ between the groups. Conclusion: Although bilateral breast cancer is not frequent, MC breast cancer is different from SC breast cancer by having more advanced grade, stage, less ER expression, more frequent rates of local relapse and distant metastasis and better response to chemotherapy in case of relapse/metastasis.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.507-516
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• 1999

More than twenty-five major international bodies of water bear the names of particular nations or states. Many of these are not names are widely accepted, but considerable disagreement has developed in some cases. A systematic examination of the level of conflict over the use of national names for international bodies of water indicates that conflict is most likely to develop where shifting power relations among interested states produce concern about the hegemonic ambitions of the state after which the body of water is named. This is the case in the three situations where considerable contention exists over the use of a national name for an international body of water: the Persian Gulf/Arabian Sea, the Sea of Japan/East Sea, and the South China SealBien Dong. Cases evidencing little contention are those where either no state has a significant interest in the naming issue, or where the name that is attached to the body of water is that of a state that has not been a historic threat to others in the region. Naming international bodies of water after nations or states is potentially problematic because such appellations can connote ownership or control by a single people or political entity. An understanding of the controversies surrounding these place names requires consideration of the geopolitical context in which they are embedded.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.55-86
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• 2015

This paper aims to interrogate the layered and dependent structure of the modern and official document management in Korea and Japan from 1894 to 1910. The focus of its study is on documents related with the strategic infrastructure construction in Jeonbuk Province through an analysis from the perspective of historic archival studies. For this study, the chosen period was when Japanese imperialists were on their way to seize the Korean official archival system. As such, our objects are the documents connected with the institution of the Japanese resident-general system in Korea and its infrastructural constructions as part of Japan's war plans of invading the continent. Among others, we examined the documents of the strategic infrastructure construction around Jeonju in Jeonbuk Province by Imperial Japan, in order to wage the Sino-Japanese War and subdue the Donghak Peasant Revolution. More specifically, we illuminate the sources and organization of the approval of the original documents in a higher level that is relevant to the determination of political, financial, and personnel matters, which were designed for the Japanese governmental rule over Korea from the era of the Gabo Reform to the period of the Japanese resident-generals, as well as analyze the actual states of the official documents ina lower level, which were drawn up by Korean government and the resident-general. Consequently, this paper suggests that official Korean archival system at this time must be understood under the context of a layered and dependent structure within the vertical connections between Korea and Japan, and not from the point of view of a national history.