• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.75-96
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• 2012

China will replace the global governance of the 21st century in 2050. The rise of China provide the Chinese development model to other developing countries. There are positive element and disability element in China's 'peaceful rise' strategy at the same time. Success of the reform and opening up, market liberalization, economic interdependency, economic globalization, stability of ruling power, consolidation of one-party rule and soft power increase are the promotions of peaceful rise. China's rise as a power nation begins by regaining the superpower status in East Asia. East Asia is a lebensraum assuring a continuing growth to China. For this lebensraum, China shows an interest in institutionalization of regional economic cooperation. The core values of ASEAN, namely the mutual respect, harmonious coexistence, co-prosperity, egalitarianism and pluralism are in conform to China's policy of harmonious world and peaceful coexistence. Through this common value the tension in East Asia will be alleviated. By the regional hegemony strategy based on soft power and economic success, China will try to regain the past glorious position. Attaining status as a coordinator of the world rule will be based on the success of the East Asian strategy. Korea and other neighboring countries will be the best beneficiary countries of the China's rise strategy. China's rising strategy will have a profound effect on neighboring countries especially, Korea. The scale of the movement of goods, labor, and capital between the two countries will become much larger than present. Through regional trade agreements, economic interdependency between Korea and China will increase.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.267-285
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• 2004

Globalization has been the buzzword during the past couple of decades, embroiling humankind into the inescapable maelstrom of homogenization. Some critics identify the globalization process undergoing in the realms of politics, economy, culture and ecology with Americanization which entails Neoconservatives' scheme to stretch out the hegemony of the United States. The top-down transcontinental movement, however, deems to confront localization or a reasoned resistance from the local driven by the spiritual attachment to places and, in that sense, regional identity. What is needed to cope with this complex circumstance of glocalization is to be acquainted with beth the global sense of the local and the localized sense of the global at once. For this, it seems indispensible to do justice to area studies. As far as American studies are concerned, this research field has so far been tainted by an overdose of politics, economics, business administration, law and sociology. Regional analysis which constitutes the reason d'etre of the discipline of geography has remained marginal to the political economic mainstream. It is the mounting concerns about America and enhanced research caliber that raises the regional geographical studies of America on the right track. Particularly, a number of articles have been published since the mid-1990s owing to the combined efforts of practitioners, institutions and periodicals. It is expected that systematic training of new generation of American specialists, advance in research infrastructure, and generous funding will stimulate geographical investigation of America in the coming future.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.181-202
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• 2006

"When it comes to art, nationalism is a goodticket to ride with", says the title of a report in the Indian Express (Mumbai, 29 Oct 2000). The newspaper report goes on to say that since Indian art was kept "ethnic" by colonialism, national liberation meant opening up to the world on India's own terms. Advocacy, at the tail end of the 20th century, would contrast dramatically with the call by Rabindranath Tagore, the founder of the academy at Santiniketan in 1901, to guard against the fetish of nationalism. "The colourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism," Tagore pronounced, "nor thefierce self-idolatry of nation-worship, is the goal of human history" (Nationalism, 1917). This contrast is significant on two counts. First is the positive aspect of "nation" as a frame in art production or circulation, at the current point of globalization when massive expansion of cultural consumers may be realized through prevailing communication networks and technology. The organization of the information market, most vividly demonstrated through the recent FIFA World Cup when one out of every five living human beings on earth watched the finals, is predicated on nations as categories. An extension of the Indian Express argument would be that tagging of artworks along the category of nation would help ensure greatest reception, and would in turn open up the reified category of "art," so as to consider new impetus from aesthetic traditions from all parts of the world many of which hereto fore regarded as "ethnic," so as to liberate art from any hegemony of "international standards." Secondly, the critique of nationalism points to a transnational civic sphere, be it Tagore's notion of people-not-nation, or the much mo re recent "transnational constellation" of Jurgen Habermas (2001), a vision for the European Union w here civil sphere beyond confines of nation opens up new possibilities, and may serve as a model for a liberated sphere on global scale. There are other levels of collectivity which art may address, for instance the Indonesian example of local communities headed by Ketua Rukun Tetangga, the neighbourhood headmen, in which community matters of culture and the arts are organically woven into the communal fabric. Art and collectivity at the national-transnational level yield a contrasting situation of, on the idealized end, the dual inputs of local culture and tradition through "nation" as necessary frame, and the concurrent development of a transnational, culturally and aesthetically vibrant civic sphere that will ensure a cosmopolitanism that is not a "colourless vagueness." In art historical studies, this is seen, for instance, in the recent discussion on "cosmopolitan modernisms." Conversely, we may see a dual tyranny of a nationalism that is a closure (sometimes stated as "ethno-nationalism" which is disputable), and an internationalism that is evolved through restrictive understanding of historical development within privileged expressions. In art historical terms, where there is a lack of investigation into the reality of multiple modernisms, the possibility of a democratic cosmopolitanism in art is severely curtailed. The advocacy of a liberal cosmopolitanism without a democratic foundation returns art to dominance of historical privileged category. A local community with lack of transnational inputs may sometimes place emphasis on neo-traditionalism which is also a double edged sword, as re kindling with traditions is both liberating and restrictive, which in turn interplays with the push and pull of the collective matrix.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.439-445
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• 2017

Summary. Most of American pop music, which are dominating the hegemony of the global pop music market, have been derived from the culture of African Americans, most of whom were slaves of European immigrants. The music of black slaves must be the one of the greatest undisputed achievements that have most influenced the American history. Indeed, All of the mainstream pop music works around the world, including those in America, are the descendants of the black music with the gene of the black people. We can say, therefore, the music born through the Afro-American culture has become the music that every person around the world enjoys in the present. Accordingly, K-Pop music culture, centered in idol group, is also based on the black music. This fact suggests that the K-Pop culture can be spread into people in different customs or traditions with little resistance. The success factor of Motown, at the very center of the black music, which integrated the whole global music, is not only their incredibly outstanding music works, but also the self-consciousness the musicians have that they are strongly reluctant to settle down to present reality. This shall lead to the necessity of self-reflection for the Korean music market, which are obsessed with present popularity and only taking advantage of teenager market, and for those engaged in music business in Korea, who are lack of the artistic value and the consciousness as artist.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.137-163
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• 2016

In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor 'like a movie' which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire's own sake.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.111-136
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• 2016

This paper focuses on the national "flagging" as a current affair, important phenomenon. National flags, it sees, take over varous places, control the surrounding space, and even dictate everybody's perspective by being visualized everywhere anytime. It investigates the issue of national flags and their hoisting poles as a sort of apparatuses that interpellate me as well as us into patriotic 'gookmin'. The placement, arrangement of national flag poles around the country continued throughout 2015 and particularly speeded up in October of the year is regarded as a key symbolic, symptomatic sign to read the transformation of political conjuncture. Preparing a radically conjuncturist cultural study about the changing reality, the researcher will see the flagging poles as a phenomenal result, outcoming of certain intent and plan for reconstructing the political actuality. More precisely, he will interpretate the tall omni-present poles of national flags as a dispositif of appearing the neoliberal/neoconservative capitalist state, as a apparatus of constituting and expressing the masses' psycho-ideological condition of today. The researcher, who perceives the national flag poles as a kind of ISAs. will first review the increased flagging phenomenon and related media discourses. Next, he will critically investigate the 'love our country' 'national flagging' movements organized by the above and operated from the bottom. Then, he will focus more on the very tall national flag poles built and seen around the country. Finally, he will conclude the study with a critical remark, touching briefly the case of controversy over setting a pole in the center of Seoul city square.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.294-300
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• 2010

With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2013.05a
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• pp.144-150
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• 2013

From ancient times to the present day, naval warfare in history is deeply connected with the rise and fall of countries. This study examines which countries won wars by tracing naval warfare that they had carried out. Seven Cases are traced for the analysis including the battle of Salamis and the Poeni War in the ancient period, the battle of Calais in the medieval and modern periods, the Russo-Japanese War in the modern period, and the Falklands War in the present age. The results show three fundamental characteristics. First, countries that won naval warfare were armed with the state-of-the-art weapon systems and conducted joint operations effectively. Second, countries that fought in the usual ways were defeated by challengers. Third, countries such as Athens, Rome, Britain and the United States ascended to the hegemony by winning major naval warfare and then commanding or controlling the sea at their own free will. Countries defeated in these naval warfare, however, descended to the weak powers. In general, countries that won warfare have a tendency to make light of defeated countries, not to introduce new weapon systems from abroad, and to stick to their traditional ways of fighting. These lessons indicate that the ROK military needs to continue the development of new weapon systems at peacetime. In addition, they show that it needs to focus more on the articulation of military doctrines and training systems so that warriors on the battlefield can fight better.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.95-105
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• 2020

The Hong Kong issue covered in the study refers to the problems caused by the various measures and policies taken by the Chinese government since Hong Kong's return to China on July 1, 1997, and the resistance and resistance shown by the Hong Kong people. Since Hong Kong's return The Chinese government carried out a policy of strengthening direct control over Hong Kong, and on June 30, 2020, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China passed the Hong Kong National Security Act. This study will focus on the impact of the Hong Kong issue on Cross-Strait Relations. Through this, we will take a look at the application of the "one-country, two-system" policy, Taiwan and China's Unification Issues and the democratization of Hong Kong. This study predicts that after the passage of the "Hong kong National security law," the principle of "one-country, two-system" that China tried to apply to unification with Taiwan will be put into a big test, and that Cross-Strait Relations and U.S.-China relations will deteriorate. Tension will quickly arise around Northeast Asia in the future, and we should also analyze and prepare for it in various ways.