• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.29 no.6
• /
• pp.741-750
• /
• 2009

Modem science education was introduced to Korea in the enlightenment period. The science textbooks which were published at that time were important to modem science education in Korea. Therefore, the translators and publishers of science textbooks were the leader of the science education in the enlightenment period. Hyun Chae and his son as a translator were one of the leaders in science education at that time. Hyun Chae was born to a Middle class (中人)family and succeeded to pass the national examination for translators (譯科). He worked as a translator and author at the Ministry of Education (學部). Also, he was the associate teacher in a foreign school and the Hansung normal school (漢城師範學校). He published 26 books. One of them, Rikwa (理科) as the science textbook covering all the areas of science, physics, chemistry, biology and earth science. That presented the knowledge, which students should know by proper method, induced students' interest and included various experiments. Hyun Chae's activity in science education as the author and translator of science textbooks was an important role on the forming science education in the enlightenment period because it was caught short of science textbooks. The author, translator, and publisher of science textbooks was of great significance to make science popular, which was the new culture. Therefore, the role and activities in science education of Hyun Chae was a part of the history of science education, he knew a foreign language and was the leader in facilitating exchange with foreign countries.

• Industry Promotion Research
• /
• v.6 no.3
• /
• pp.71-78
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to examine the characteristics of the rich and noble interpretation system of 『Japyeongjinjeon』 and 『Jeokcheonsu』. Myungrihak is a study that began with the study of human wealth and nobility There are 『Japyeongjinjeon』 and 『Jeokcheonsu』 as two major classics of Myeongrihak. However, while these representative books are similar to each other in the interpretation system for the interpretation of wealth and nobility, they also have different aspects. Looking at this. In 『Jepyeong Jinjeon』, the success or failure of the Su-Ju is judged first. If it is Seong-Gyeog (成格), it becomes a good Su-ju (吉), and if it is a Pae-Gyeog (敗格), it becomes a bad Sa-Ju (凶). Even when it comes to Seong-Gyeog, among them there are Gui-Gyeong (貴格) and great Gui-Gyeong (大貴格). Representative great Gui-Gyeong include Jaein-Byeongtu (財印並透), Sigsin -Saengjae (食神生財), Sigsin-Hapsal (食神合煞), Sal-yongsigje (煞用食制) and Sanggwan-Yonggwan (傷官用官). In 『Jeokcheonsu』, there is Jaegi-tongmun (財氣通門) as a Su-Ju with wealth and Gwanseong-Ihoe as a Su-Ju with nobility (貴). Hyundai Group Chairman Chung Ju-young, the representative chaebol of Korea, becomes a Seong-Gyeog in the argument of Japyeong Jinjeon』 and is a Sigsin -Saengjae, and Jaegi-tongmun according to the argument of 『Jeokcheonsu』 are met The first, third, and seventh conditions. Samsung Group Chairman Lee Byung-cheol meets the seventh condition clearly in the argument of 『Jeepyeong Jinjeon』, which is Seong-Gyeog and Sal-yongsigje. In this study, we find out what kind of interpretation method there are and how they differ from the two classics through the original text. In addition, the suitability of the theoretical composition is examined by comparing and examining the characteristics of the rich and noble interpretation system through empirical examples of modern representatives. It is hoped that it will be of some help to related research in the future.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.10
• /
• pp.41-61
• /
• 2008

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.20 no.3
• /
• pp.121-141
• /
• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• The Mathematical Education
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.48-73
• /
• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.95-95
• /
• 2002

This study was conducted to examine housewives' knowledge level of herb medicine and its related factors in Korea. Data were collected from 667 housewives from April 1, 1999 to June 30, 1999. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. According to general characteristics of the subjects, 29.1$\%$ of the subjects was over fifties. 28.6$\%$ was primary school graduate. while 25.5$\%$ was high school graduate. In case of job, the unemployed was 67.0$\%$ and professional／clerical worker was 19.6$\%$. 82.0$\%$ had spouses and 45.7$\%$ believed in Buddha. 50.8$\%$ of the subjects lived in big cities and 76.7$\%$ was the middle class. In case of their health condition, 33.4$\%$ was in good health, while 5 1.1$\%$ suffered from certain diseases and 43.9$\%$ was not satisfied with health conditions. 2. The proportion of experience in taking herb medicine was 86.4$\%$. The marital status and health condition were significantly related to the experience in taking herb medicine. When the respondents took diseases, 68.0$\%$ of them were experienced in folk remedy. The variables of age and religion were significantly related to experience in folk remedy. 3. According to the respondents opinions of the effect of the folk remedy, 'effective' was 78.5$\%$ and 'common' was 17.6$\%$, while 'not effective' was 3.9$\%$. 59.3$\%$ of the respondents thought that the folk remedy had scientific basis. 4. In case of information sources on herb medicine, 59.7$\%$ of the respondents obtained the information from TV or Radio. 13.7$\%$ of them got it from magazines related to Oriental medicine and 13.3$\%$ of them obtained it from newspapers or related books. The information sources were significantly related to age and health condition. The knowledge level of herb medicine was 20.76${\pm}$2.66 point on the basis of 30 points. The knowledge level was significantly related to age, occupation, health condition, information sources, experience in taking herb medicine, and opinions of scientific basis of the folk remedy. 5. The respondents marked 2.23${\pm}$0.64 points on the basis of 3.0 points in the question of the effect of taking herb medicine in summer, 2.30${\pm}$0.61 points in the question of the relationship between taking deer antlers and becoming clear-headed, 2.72${\pm}$0.56 points in the question of ginseng, 2.51${\pm}$0.56 points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and being harmful to the liver, 1.94${\pm}$0.74 points in the question of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, 1.84${\pm}$0.78 points in the question of the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, 2.00${\pm}$0.83 points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and getting fat, 1.76${\pm}$0.89 points in the question of the relationship between Ssanghwatang and cold, 2.15${\pm}$0.76 points in the question of taking honey, and 1.45${\pm}$0.77 points in the question of selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine. 6. The factors influencing decision of taking herb medicine were experience of taking herb medicine, intention of receiving treatment by folk remedy, occupation, health condition, and age. As seen in the above results, the knowledge level of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, Ssanghwatang, honey, and selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine was very low. Therefore, it is necessary to develop education programs in order to provide community residents with basic knowledge of herb medicine. In doing so, the government, Oriental medical doctors, and associations related to herb medicine must make great efforts.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.96-116
• /
• 2002

This study was conducted to examine housewives' knowledge level of herb medicine and its related factors in Korea. Data were collected from 667 housewives from April 1, 1999 to June 30, 1999. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. According to general characteristics of the subjects, 29.1% of the subjects was over fifties. 28.6% was primary school graduate. while 25.5% was high school graduate. In case of job, the unemployed was 67.0% and professional／clerical worker was 19.6%. 82.0% had spouses and 45.7% believed in Buddha. 50.8% of the subjects lived in big cities and 76.7% was the middle class. In case of their health condition, 33.4% was in good health, while 51.1% suffered from certain diseases and 43.9% was not satisfied with health conditions. 2. The proportion of experience in taking herb medicine was 86.4%. The marital status and health condition were significantly related to the experience in taking herb medicine. When the respondents took diseases, 68.0% of them were experienced in folk remedy. The variables of age and religion were significantly related to experience in folk remedy. 3. According to the respondents opinions of the effect of the folk remedy, 'effective' was 78.5% and 'common' was 17.6%, while 'not effective' was 3.9%. 59.3% of the respondents thought that the folk remedy had scientific basis. 4. In case of information sources on herb medicine, 59.7% of the respondents obtained the information from TV or Radio. 13.7% of them got it from magazines related to Oriental medicine and 13.3% of them obtained it from newspapers or related books. The information sources were significantly related to age and health condition. The knowledge level of herb medicine was $20.76{\pm}2.66$ point on the basis of 30 points. The knowledge level was significantly related to age, occupation, health condition, information sources, experience in taking herb medicine, and opinions of scientific basis of the folk remedy. 5. The respondents marked $2.23{\pm}0.64$ points on the basis of 3.0 points in the question of the effect of taking herb medicine in summer, $2.30{\pm}0.61$ points in the question of the relationship between taking deer antlers and becoming clear-headed, $2.72{\pm}0.56$ points in the question of ginseng, $2.51{\pm}0.56$ points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and being harmful to the liver, $1.94{\pm}0.74$ points in the question of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, $1.84{\pm}0.78$ points in the question of the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, $2.00{\pm}0.83$ points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and getting fat, $1.76{\pm}0.89$ points in the question of the relationship between Ssanghwatang and cold, $2.15{\pm}0.76$ points in the question of taking honey, and $1.45{\pm}0.77$ points in the question of selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine. 6. The factors influencing decision of taking herb medicine were experience of taking herb medicine, intention of receiving treatment by folk remedy, occupation, health condition, and age. As seen in the above results, the knowledge level of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, Ssanghwatang, honey, and selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine was very low. Therefore, it is necessary to develop education programs in order to provide community residents with basic knowledge of herb medicine. In doing so, the government, Oriental medical doctors, and associations related to herb medicine must make great efforts.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.91-105
• /
• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.14
• /
• pp.63-73
• /
• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
• /
• v.11
• /
• pp.69-99
• /
• 1984

A dramatic development in the new technology of copying materials has presented us with massive problems on reconciling the conflicts between copyright owners and potential users of copyrighted materials. The adaptation to this changing condition led some countries to revise their copyright laws such as in the U. S. in 1976 and in Korea in 1984 for merging with the international or universal copyright conventions in the future. Copyright defined as exclusive rights given to copyright owners aims to secure a fair return for an author's creative labor and to stimulate artistic creativity for the general public good. The exclusive rights on copyrightable matters, generally for reproduction, preparation of derivative works, public distribution, public performance, and public display, are limited by fair use for scholarship and criticism and by library reproduction for its preservation and interlibrary loan. These limitations on the exclusive rights are concerned with all aspects of library services and cause a great burden on librarian's daily duty to provide balance between the rights of creators and the needs of library patrons. The fair use as one of the limitations on it has been coupled with enormous growth of a new technology and extended from xerography to online database systems. The implementation of the fair use and library reprography in Korean law to the local practices is examined on the basis of the new American copyright act of 1976. Under the draft revision of Korean law, librarians will face many potential problems as summarized below. 1. Because the new provision of 'life time plus 50 years' will tie up substantial bodies of material longer than the old law, until that date librarians would need permissions from the owners and should pay attention to the author's death date. 2. Because the copyright can be sold, distributed, given to the heirs, donated, as a whole or a part, librarians should chase down the heirs and other second owners. In case of a derivative work, this is a real problem. 3. Since a work has its protection from the moment of its creation, the coverage of copyrightable matter would be extended to the published or the unpublished works and librarian's work load would be heavier. Without copyright registration, no one can be certain that a work is in the public domain. Therefore, librarians will need to check with an authority. 4. For implementation of limitations on exclusive rights, fair use and library reproduction for interlibrary loan, there can be no substantial aggregate use and there can be no systematic distribution of multicopies. Therefore, librarians should not substitute reproductions for subscriptions or purchases. 5. For the interlibrary loan by photocopying, librarians should understand the procedure of royalty payment. 6. Compulsory licenses should be understood by librarians. 7. Because the draft revision of Korean law is a reciprocal treaty, librarians should take care of other countries' copyright law to protect foreign authors from Korean law. In order to solve the above problems, some suggestions are presented below. 1. That copyright clearinghouse or central agency as a centralized royalty payment mechanism be established. 2. That the Korean Library Association establish a committee on copyright. 3. That the Korean Library Association propose guidelines for each occasion, e.g. for interlibrary loan, books and periodicals and music, etc. 4. That the Korean government establish a copyright office or an official organization for copyright control other than the copyright committee already organized by the government. 5. That the Korean Library Association establish educational programs on copyright for librarians through seminars or articles written in its magazines. 6. That individual libraries provide librarian's copyright kits. 7. That school libraries distribute subject bibliographies on copyright law to teachers. However, librarians should keep in mind that limitations on exclusive rights are not for an exemption from library reprography but as a convenient access to library resources.