• Horticultural Science & Technology
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.423-428
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• 2010

The quality change of musk melons, divided into ripened (90 days) and over-ripened (92 days) set by the formal day maturing melons, was investigated during marketing period at both 10 and $25^{\circ}C$. The rate of weight loss was increased in all samples as the storage period passed and greater in ripened melons than over-ripened melon. The hardness decreased in both well and over-ripened melon as the storage period passed. Furthermore, changes in hardness were prevented in fruit stored at $10^{\circ}C$ compared to fruit stored at $25^{\circ}C$. Immediately after harvest, the solid solubility of over-ripened melon was 14.6%, while that of ripened fruit was 12.8%. The respiration rate of both well and over-ripened melon increased temporarily when stored at $25^{\circ}C$, which is characteristic of climacteric fruits during the first day of storage; however, no change in respiration rate was observed in fruit stored at $10^{\circ}C$. When sensory evaluation was conducted, there were no differences observed in flavor and taste among samples. However, with the exception of over-ripened melon, the texture of all samples increased significantly with storage time when melon was stored at $25^{\circ}C$. The score of overall acceptability remained high for 12 days in both well and over-ripened melon, while that of ripened melon stored at $10^{\circ}C$ and over-ripened melon stored $25^{\circ}C$ remained high for 7 and 5 days, respectively (p<0.05).

• Journal of KIISE:Databases
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.102-116
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• 2006

Electronic catalogs (or e-catalogs) hold information about the goods and services offered or requested by the participants, and consequently, form the basis of an e-commerce transaction. Catalog management is complicated by a number of factors and product classification is at the core of these issues. Classification hierarchy is used for spend analysis, custom3 regulation, and product identification. Classification is the foundation on which product databases are designed, and plays a central role in almost all aspects of management and use of product information. However, product classification has received little formal treatment in terms of underlying model, operations, and semantics. We believe that the lack of a logical model for classification Introduces a number of problems not only for the classification itself but also for the product database in general. It needs to meet diverse user views to support efficient and convenient use of product information. It needs to be changed and evolved very often without breaking consistency in the cases of introduction of new products, extinction of existing products, class reorganization, and class specialization. It also needs to be merged and mapped with other classification schemes without information loss when B2B transactions occur. For these requirements, a classification scheme should be so dynamic that it takes in them within right time and cost. The existing classification schemes widely used today such as UNSPSC and eClass, however, have a lot of limitations to meet these requirements for dynamic features of classification. In this paper, we try to understand what it means to classify products and present how best to represent classification schemes so as to capture the semantics behind the classifications and facilitate mappings between them. Product information implies a plenty of semantics such as class attributes like material, time, place, etc., and integrity constraints. In this paper, we analyze the dynamic features of product databases and the limitation of existing code based classification schemes. And describe the semantic classification model, which satisfies the requirements for dynamic features oi product databases. It provides a means to explicitly and formally express more semantics for product classes and organizes class relationships into a graph. We believe the model proposed in this paper satisfies the requirements and challenges that have been raised by previous works.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.8
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• pp.33-58
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• 2009

This paper examines four genre paintings on the subject of child education by Jean-Baptiste-Sim${\'{e}}$on Chardin(1699-1779). The Governess, The Diligent Mother, Saying Grace, and The Morning Toilette garnered critical attention after they were exhibited in the Salon from 1739 to 1741. After the exhibition, the paintings were made into prints and frequently sold to members of the bourgeois class in Paris. The iconographical details of Chardin's genre paintings have, thus far, been compared to Dutch genre pictures of the seventeenth century. Further, most studies conducted on Chardin's paintings focus on formal analysis rather than the historical and social contexts. Through attempting social-contextual readings of Chardin's educational series, this paper argues that the significance of Chardin's painting series of child education lies in his representation of the ideal French bourgeois family and the standard of early childhood education in the eighteenth-century French Enlightenment period. In each of the four child education paintings, Chardin depicted a mother with children in a domestic space. Even though this theme derives from traditional Dutch genre paintings in the seventeenth century, the visual motifs, the pictorial atmosphere and the painting techniques of Chardin all project the social culture of eighteenth century France. Each painting in the child education series exemplifies respectively the attire of a French gentlemen, the social view on womanhood and the education of girls, newly established table manners, and the dressing up culture in a 'toilette' in eighteenth century France. Distinct from other educational scenes in previous genre paintings, Chardin accentuated the naive and innocent characteristics of a child and exemplified the mother's warmth toward that child in her tender facial expressions and gesturing. These kinds of expressions illustrate the newly structured standard of education in the French Enlightenment period. Whereas medieval people viewed children as immature and useless, people in the eighteenth century began to recognize children for their more positive features. They compared children to a blank piece of paper (tabula rasa), which signified children's innocence, and suggested that children possess neither good nor bad virtues. This positive perspective on children slowly transformed the pedagogical methods. Teaching manuals instructed governesses and mothers to respect each child's personality rather than be strict and harsh to them. Children were also allotted more playtimes, which explains the display of various toys in the backgrounds of Chardin's series of four paintings. Concurrently, the interior, where this exemplary education was executed, alludes to the virtue of the bourgeois's moderate and thrifty daily life in eighteenth century France. While other contemporary painters preferred to depict the extravagant living space of a French bourgeoisie, Chardin portrayed a rather modest and cozy home interior. In contrast to the highly decorated living space of aristocrats, he presented the realistic, humble domestic space of a bourgeois, filled with modern household objects. In addition, the mother is exceptionally clad in working clothes instead of fashionable dresses of the moment. Fit to take care of household affairs and children, the mother represents the ideal virtues of a bourgeois family. It can be concluded that the four genre paintings of child education by Chardin articulate the new standards of juvenile education in eighteenth century France as well as the highly recognized social virtues between French bourgeois families. Thus, Chardin's series of child education would have functioned as a demonstration of the ideal living standards of the bourgeois class and their emphasis on early childhood education in the French Enlightenment period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.33-61
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• 2009

In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

• FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.125-135
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• 2010

To discover the main characteristics of Korean traditional flower arrangement, they were compared with different articles and old paintings used in royal court ceremonies. The primary research involved principle of design. The times periods used were the Joseon Dynasty era of Korea, the Ming era of China, and the Edo eras of Japan. The result, which shows both the similarities and differences, of the research is summarized as follows. The similarities were that they all respect the features of nature, and their image expresses their creator's thinking. There was one technique, called 'Suje', in which a part of the stem is coming out from one branch. Also, each three eras preferred flowering trees and ornamental trees more than annuals or foliage plants. one of the differences was that korea used a simple number of materials. The work had volume and appeared mild by using a soft curved line which was repetitive and massive. The Joseon Dynasty era advanced a sense of beauty with artistic symmetry and balance. The work seemed soft and natural because of the little change in blank space, with almost no angle of line. The form had a characteristic preference of being taller than the typical Japanese arrangement. It appeared simple, calm, and rustic by using only one kind of material. In contrast, the Chinese style was gorgeous and displayed volume in a non-symmetrical tripodal form, which incorporated various colors and materials. Also, they avoided processing the materials in order to emphasize the original beauty of nature. Chinese flower arts did not become formalized because they did not consider the formality seriously the formal. The Japanese style was also gorgeous because it incorporated various materials and angles. It included an extreme technique in which an artificial line divided the blank space delicately. The line was both strong and delicate in an established form. The restriction of the main branch gave a light feeling, as well as more strain as in a balance sense. The Japanese eras emphasized more the use of line and a sense of blank space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.68-89
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• 2021

In August 1837, a list of wedding gifts was given by Queen Sunwon (1789-1857) to her son-in-law, Namnyeong-wie, Yun Eui-Seon (1823-1887) at the wedding of Princess Deok-on (1822-1844). This Honsubalgi is now kept at the National Hangeul Museum. This text was used in the present study to examine the everyday clothes of the royal son-in-law in the early 19th century. First, the everyday clothes were organized into about 36 types. They were classified as tops, bottoms, hats, accessories, belts, pouches, fans and shoes. Second, the most important clothes were the ordinary formal attire, composed of the namgwangsa dopo and namgwangcho changui. As for the bottoms, the pants, the Chinese hemp leggings, two pairs of socks, the green silk belt, and a pair of light blue ankle ties were identified. Third, as for the head and accessories, there were heukrip, with the gemstone string and silk string, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan, as well as tang-geon and bok-geon. And there were the sangtu-gwan, three types of donggos, and the mang-geon equipped with okgwanja. On the other hand, the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan are peculiar hats whose status has changed over time since the mid-18th century. The fact that the jeong-ja-gwan and dong-pa-gwan were given to Namnyeong-wie showed that the status of these hats improved in the early reign of King Heonjong. The belt was given with the sejodae that is suitable for the dangsang, the coral plates, and the silk bag containing a flint pouch. Fourth, there were the red-colored sejodae, a ssamji silk pouch for flint and the fan decorated with okseonchu, and shoes, such as unhye and danghye.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.219-246
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• 2014

Do the particular good and the common good stand in relation of opposition or superiority each other? With regard to this question, some argue that the relevant Thomas texts reveal the superiority of the common good over the particular good, while others argue for the superiority of the particular good. The argument of this articles is, however, that closer examination of texts shows that Thomas Aquinas seeks to the unity of the common good and the particular good instead of seeing the conflict between them. It is true that Thomist moral and political theory emphasizes the value of the individual, but it should be noted that for Thomas the individual as individual does not exist, but shares specific formal determination with other members of the same species and, therefore, is the individualized, concrete universal. Good, meanwhile, means perfection which each being pursues and a thing is called good in the absolute sense when it actualizes its potentialities as a whole. An individual person is said to pursue only partial good, if it only seeks its perfection as an individual. The nature of individual person should be fully realized only in and through the community pursuing the common good. But the aim of living together which is rooted in the nature of human being as a rational being is for its members to live virtuously. The political community is said to try to bring its individual members to perfection, since the virtues are what renders human beings and their acts good. In this sense the particular good of the individual person is achieved through the pursuit of the common good and the common good is realized through the pursuit of the particular good so that they coincide each other. But this unity remains imperfect, when it would not be rightly ordered to its due end which is non other than the highest good, that is God. Accordingly the goodness of the human being in an absolute sense lies in the unity of the particular good and the common good rightly oriented towards the highest good, which is also called common good which every being pursues.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.1-25
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• 2017

Kant's doctrine of virtue shows how an actor should behave morally in an individual situation with moral law defines the limits of human action. There is latitude for action in the course of formulating the maxims of action by an actor. And moral judgement, as Aristotle's Pronesis, is very important in the latitude for action. In the doctrine of virtue, Kant suggests two kinds of duty of virtue: one's own perfeciton as an obligatory end, and the happiness to others as an obligatory end-and raises the question of casuistics for each. However, this was the practice and training for the human moral life by application of the moral law. In particular, Kant saw that ethics does not give laws for action, but only give laws for the maxims of action, and further intended to realize the practice in a proper way of seeking truth through casuistical questions. Thus, Kant points out that the casuistic is related only to ethics in a fragmentary way and is added to ethics only as a comment on the system. According to Kant, virtue and judgment are inevitable to apply categorical imperative in the empirical and realistic world. In other words, virtue and judgment are necessary to enable people who are likely to act in accordance to inclination to live a moral life in accordance with the command of reason. Thus Kant saw that in order to take wide duty into narrow ones, human beings must not only have to cultivate virtues as a strong power of will, but also to exercise judgment. In addition, the distinction between duty of law(narrow obligation) and duty of virtue(wide obligation) is dependent on whether there is a latitude for action in the application of both duties. So the role of virtue and training of judgement is very important in the latitude for action that occurs in the process of formalizing actor's maxims. In detail, as the duty is wider, so man's obligation to action is more imperfect, but the closer to narrow duty(Law) he brings the maxim of observing this duty(in his attitude of will), so much the more perfect is his virtuous action. Thus, it was an effort to show how Kant's best moral principles, that is categorical imperative could be applied to the real world at the time of criticism. Of course, even if it is difficult to assess Kant's efforts as successful, criticizing Kant's ethics as 'formal', 'abstract', or 'monologous' is not persuasive because of critics did not understand his ethics as a whole.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.81-135
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• 2005

The release of administrative information has been the challenge of our age following the maturation of democratic ideology in our society. However, differences of opinion and conflict still exist between the government and private sectors regarding the issue, and it seems that the technical and policy-related insufficiencies of information and record management that actually operate the release of information are the main causes. From the perspective of records management, records or information are variable in their nature, value, and influence during their life span. The most controversial issue is the records and information in the current stage of carrying out business activities. This is because the records and information pertaining to finished business are but evidence to ascertain the past, and have only a limited relationship to the ideal of the 'democratic participation' by citizens in activities of the public sector. The current information release policies are helpless against the 'absence of information,' or incomplete records, but such weakness can be supplemented by enforcing record management policies that make obligatory the recording of all details of business activities. In addition, it is understood that the installation of 'document offices("Jaryogwan")' that can manage each organization's information and records will be an important starting point to integrate the release, management, and preservation of information and records. Nevertheless, it seems that the concept of 'release' in information release policies refers not to free use by all citizens but is limited to the 'provision' of records according to public requests, and the concept of 'confidential' refers not to treating documents with total secrecy but varies according to the particulars of each situation, making the actual practice of information release difficult. To solve such problems, it is absolutely necessary to collect the opinions of various constituents associated with the recorded information in question, and to effectively mediate the collective opinions and the information release requests coming from applicants, to carry out the business more practically. Especially crucial is the management of the process by which the nature and influence of recorded information changes, so that information which has to be confidential at first may become available for inquiry and use over time through appropriate procedures. Such processes are also part of the duties that record management, which is in charge of the entire life span of documents, must perform. All created records will be captured within a record management system, and the record creation data thus collected will be used as a guide for inquiry and usage. With 'document offices(Jaryogwan)' and 'archives' controlling the entire life span of records, the release of information will become simpler and more widespread. It is undesirable to try to control only through information release policies those records the nature of which has changed because, unlike the ones still in the early stages of their life span and can directly influence business activities, their work has finished, and they have become historical records or evidences pointing to the truth of past events. Even in the past, when there existed no formal policy regarding the release of administrative information, the access and use of archival records were permitted. A more active and expanded approach must be taken regarding the 'usage' of archival records. If the key factor regarding 'release' lies in the provision of information, the key factor regarding 'usage' lies in the quality and level of the service provided. The full-scale usage of archival records must be preceded by the release of such records, and accordingly, a thorough analysis of the nature, content, and value of the records and their changes must be implemented to guarantee the release of information before their use is requested. That must become a central task of document offices and "Today's information" will soon become "yesterday's records," and the "reality" of today will become "history" of the past. The policies of information release and record management share information records as their common objective. As they have a mutual relationship that is supplementary and leads toward perfection, the two policies must both be differentiated and integrated with each another. It is hoped that the policies and business activities of record management will soon become normalized and reformed for effective and fair release of information.