• Title/Summary/Keyword: End-to-end security

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North Korea's Nuclear Strategy: Its Type Characteristics and Prospects (북한 핵전략의 유형적 특징과 전망)

  • Kim, Kang-nyeong
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.171-208
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    • 2017
  • This paper is to analyze the type characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy. To this end, the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled introduction; the concept and type of nuclear strategy; the nuclear capabilities of North Korea and the declarative nuclear strategy; the operational characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy; and conclusion. Recently, the deployment of nuclear weapons and the enhancement of nuclear capabilities in North Korea have raised serious problems in our security and military preparedness. Nuclear strategy means military strategy related to the organization, deployment and operation of nuclear weapons. The study of North Korea's nuclear strategy begins with a very realistic assumption that the nuclear arsenal of North Korea has been substantiated. It is a measure based on North Korea's nuclear arsenal that our defense authorities present the concepts of preemptive attack, missile defense, and mass retaliation as countermeasures against the North Korean nuclear issue and are in the process of introducing and deploying them. The declared nuclear declaration strategy of the DPRK is summarized as: (1)Nuclear deterrence and retaliation strategy under the (North Korea's) Nuclear Weapons Act, (2)Nuclear preemptive aggression, (3)The principle of 'no first use' of nuclear weapons in the 7th Congress. And the intentions and operational characteristics of the North Korean nuclear strategy are as follows: (1)Avoiding blame through imitation of existing nuclear state practices, (2)Favoring of nuclear strategy through declarative nuclear strategy, (3)Non-settlement of nuclear strategy due to gap between nuclear capability and nuclear posture. North Korea has declared itself a nuclear-weapon state through the revised Constitution(2012.7), the Line of 'Construction of the Nuclear Armed Forces and the Economy'(2013.3), and the Nuclear Weapons Act(2013.4). However, the status of "nuclear nations" can only be granted by the NPT, which is already a closed system. Realistically, a robust ROK-US alliance and close US-ROK cooperation are crucial to curbing and overcoming the North Korean nuclear threat we face. On this basis, it is essential not only to deter North Korea's nuclear attacks, but also to establish and implement our own short-term, middle-term and long-term political and military countermeasures for North Korea's denuclearization and disarmament.

The Interactive Significance of Red in Film Color : Concentration and Diffusion (영화에서 빨강의 상호작용적 의미 : 집중과 확산)

  • Kim, Jong-Guk
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • s.47
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    • pp.241-271
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    • 2017
  • Film color is equivalent to other elements of film, including narrative, and has a textual meaning according to the identity of expression. In general, red has a function of focusing attention, and the meaning derived from it is diffused. In the interaction of text and context, the function of concentration and the meaning of diffusion can be presented. The concept of concentration and diffusion is shaped by the relationship between independent colors, colors and other cinematic elements, and interactions between colors. In order to confirm this, this study analyzes a series of popular Korean films, how film colors interact, and in particular, the concentration function of red and the meaning of proliferation. The results of this study are as follows. First, in Korean popular films, at its most basic, red symbolizes a nation, a people, and a nation. The red of nationalism surrounding ethnicity, nationality and country visualizes ideology and conflict. The purpose of an individual or group, the relationship between the offender and the victim is mediated through red. The flag, the name tag, the costume appearing in the film are red. This can be seen in films such as Train to Busan, Assassination, Masquerade, Miracle in Cell No.7, Brotherhood of War, Northern Limit Line, Joint Security Area, Welcome to Dongmakgol, and May 18. Second, the red color attached to the female body fixes or strengthens socio-cultural sexuality and gender. The examples are films like Ode to My Father, The Thieves, The Host, Purpose Of Love, Sunny, Like A Virgin, Forbidden Quest, Untold Scandal, Bewitching Attraction, and Ssanghwajeom. Third, the blood red in Korean films is a visual device that directs magical horror, anger, and asceticism. Such films include The Neighbors, Bunshinsaba, R-Point, A Tale Of Two Sisters, Whispering Corridors, The Uninvited, Thirst, SECTOR 7, Asura:The City of Madness, The Tiger, Veteran, and so on. Fourth, red of tears constitutes the specific emotions such as a beautiful desire and a brilliant tragedy in films like King and The Clown, Oldboy, Memories of Murder, 26 Years, The Attorney, Unbowed, Sympathy For Lady Vengeance, Happy End, Punch, Calling, The Yellow Sea, and He's on Duty.

Military science's understanding on Daodejing of Wangzhen (왕진의 『도덕경』에 대한 병학적 이해)

  • Kim, Tae-yong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.295-316
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    • 2008
  • This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.

Preliminary Post-closure Safety Assessment of Disposal Options for Disused Sealed Radioactive Source (폐밀봉선원 처분방식별 폐쇄후 예비안전성평가)

  • Lee, Seunghee;Kim, Juyoul;Kim, Sukhoon
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.301-314
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    • 2016
  • Disused Sealed Radioactive Sources (DSRSs) are stored temporally in the centralized storage facility of Korea Radioactive Waste Agency (KORAD) and planned to be disposed in the low- and intermediate-level radioactive waste (LILW) disposal facility in Gyeongju city. In this study, preliminary post-closure safety assessment was performed for DSRSs in order to draw up an optimum disposal plan. Two types of disposal options were considered, i.e. engineered vault type disposal and rock cavern type disposal which were planned to be constructed and operated respectively in LILW disposal facility in Gyeongju city. Assessment end-point was individual effective dose of critical group and calculated by using GoldSim code. In normal scenario, the maximum dose was estimated to be approximately $1{\times}10^{-7}mSv/yr$ for both disposal options. It meant that both options had sufficient safety margin when compared with regulatory limit (0.1 mSv/yr). Otherwise, in well scenario, the maximum dose exceeded regulatory limit of 1 mSv/yr in engineered vault type disposal and the exposure dose was mainly contributed by $^{226}Ra$, $^{210}Pb$ (daughter nuclide of $^{226}Ra$) and $^{237}Np$ (daughter nuclide of $^{241}Am$). For rock cavern type disposal, even though the peak dose satisfied regulatory limit, the exposure doses by $^{14}C$ and $^{237}Np$ were relatively high above 10% of regulatory limit. Therefore, it is necessary to exclude $^{14}C$, $^{226}Ra$ and $^{241}Am$ for two type of disposal options and additional management such as long-term storage and development of disposal container for those radionuclides should be performed before permanent disposal for conservative safety and security.

Environmental cooperation strategies of Korean Peninsula considering International Environmental Regimes (한반도 환경협력을 위한 국제사회 동향과 미래 협력방안)

  • Chul-Hee Lim;Hyun-Ah Choi
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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    • v.40 no.2
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    • pp.224-238
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    • 2022
  • North Korea has actively participated in the international community related to environmental agreements. It has proposed various environmental policies internally since the Kim Jong-un regime. In particular, it emphasizes activities related to climate change response, the Sustainable Development Goals, and the conservation of ecosystems including forests and wetlands. In this study, a new security cooperation plan was proposed with an understanding of the climate crisis and environmental regime as a starting point. To this end, trends and recent activities for climate-environment cooperation in the international community and on the Korean Peninsula were analyzed. In addition, North Korea's conditions for cooperation on the Korean Peninsula, technology demand, and the projected future environment of the Korean Peninsula were dealt with. Ultimately, through advice of experts, we were able to discover cooperation agendas by sector and propose short-term and long-term environmental cooperation strategies for the Korean Peninsula based on them. In this study, conditions and directions for cooperation in fields of climate technology, biological resources, air/weather, water environment, biodiversity, renewable energy, bioenergy, and so on were considered comprehensively. Among 21 cooperation agendas discovered in this study, energy showed the largest number of areas. Renewable energy, forest resources, and environmental and meteorological information stood out as agendas that could be cooperated in the short term. As representative initiatives, joint promotion of 'renewable energy' that could contribute to North Korea's energy demand and carbon neutrality and 'forest cooperation' that could be recognized as a source of disaster reduction and greenhouse gas sinks were suggested.

Dong-Mu Lee Je-Ma and The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan (동무(東武) 이제마(李齊馬)와 최문환(崔文煥)의 난(亂))

  • Park, Seong-sik
    • Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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    • v.9 no.2
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    • pp.39-55
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    • 1997
  • Purpose : Dong-Mu(東武) Lee Je-Ma(李濟馬) was designated as a member of fifty persons 'The Wise Ancestors of Korean Culture and Art' in 1984 and the december of 1996 was appointed as 'The Month of Lee Je-Ma'. Though his achivements was valued like this, some historian criticized that he suppressed the righteous army. So this study was for clarifing the background, the motive, and the course of 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896, and for the correct appraisement about this event. And also through this, author tried to make clear the origin of Lee Je-Ma's thought. Method : After studing the background of the end of Chosun dynasty and the righteous army in 1895(乙未義兵). Author made a comparative study through the historical materials of the goverment side, the Choi Moon-Hwan side, and the Lee Je-Ma side about 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on februrary in 1896. Results & Conclusion : The event occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896 was a part of rebellion of the righteous army in 1895 which had risen against The startling Occurrence of 1895'(乙未義兵) and 'The Royal Commands To Cut Off People's Hair'(斷髮令). Lee Je-Ma suppressed the Rising and put Choi Moon-Hwan in the prison, and which was criticized that he suppressed the righteous army later day. That time was a conflict period between conservatism and civilization, and the Lee Je-Ma's act was the best way to protect the security of residents from the attack which maybe occurred by Japanese army in Wonsan. Judging from this events, author could find Lee Je-Ma's thought was quite different from righteous army's neo-confucianism and conservatism. In the aspect of the history of 'Korean National Movement', further study about Choi Moon-Hwan, the chief of righteous army will be need.

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ATM Cell Encipherment Method using Rijndael Algorithm in Physical Layer (Rijndael 알고리즘을 이용한 물리 계층 ATM 셀 보안 기법)

  • Im Sung-Yeal;Chung Ki-Dong
    • The KIPS Transactions:PartC
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    • v.13C no.1 s.104
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    • pp.83-94
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    • 2006
  • This paper describes ATM cell encipherment method using Rijndael Algorithm adopted as an AES(Advanced Encryption Standard) by NIST in 2001. ISO 9160 describes the requirement of physical layer data processing in encryption/decryption. For the description of ATM cell encipherment method, we implemented ATM data encipherment equipment which satisfies the requirements of ISO 9160, and verified the encipherment/decipherment processing at ATM STM-1 rate(155.52Mbps). The DES algorithm can process data in the block size of 64 bits and its key length is 64 bits, but the Rijndael algorithm can process data in the block size of 128 bits and the key length of 128, 192, or 256 bits selectively. So it is more flexible in high bit rate data processing and stronger in encription strength than DES. For tile real time encryption of high bit rate data stream. Rijndael algorithm was implemented in FPGA in this experiment. The boundary of serial UNI cell was detected by the CRC method, and in the case of user data cell the payload of 48 octets (384 bits) is converted in parallel and transferred to 3 Rijndael encipherment module in the block size of 128 bits individually. After completion of encryption, the header stored in buffer is attached to the enciphered payload and retransmitted in the format of cell. At the receiving end, the boundary of ceil is detected by the CRC method and the payload type is decided. n the payload type is the user data cell, the payload of the cell is transferred to the 3-Rijndael decryption module in the block sire of 128 bits for decryption of data. And in the case of maintenance cell, the payload is extracted without decryption processing.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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