• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.301-311
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• 1990

The agriculture of Korea was begun in the neolithic era partly and generalized around 4,000 B.C. Discovery of acorn and stoneworks used in agriculture in neolithic era in 8,000 B.C to 6,000 B.C suggests that prehistoric ancestors of Korean night use acorn, hazel-nuts, and haws, etc. as foods. Cultivation of chestnuts, peaches, plums, pears, and japanese apricots was found in Mahan, the tribal states, and in the period of three kingdoms and Balhae dynasty too. In the period of Koryo, pears, plums, japanese apricots, pine nuts, apricots, grapes, jujubes, gingko nuts, oranges, and citrons were cultivated and used in diet. Sejongsilrokjiriji(1454), a geography of the early chosun, and Sinjungtonggukyojisungnam(1492) show that they cultivated almost all fruits we are now cultivating such as hazel-nuts, haws, nutmeg nut, and so on. Loquats seem to be brought in the early chosun era and figs around 16th century. Pecans, sweet cherries were brought around 1,900 and recently tropical fruits like kiwis were brought in and used in a large scale. In addition, Some fruits were used in medical treatments. Fruits increase the pleasure of the diet and sometimes they are used as a measure of a standard of living. Fruits have been improved and used for a long time, their status in our diet will be maintained resolutly.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.83-95
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• 2004

Chilgok District is a historical area, which has had a certain amount of development. It has its own regional characteristics originating from its isolation from the existing built up area of Daegu City by the Kumho River This study explores the historical development processes and pending development issues of Chilgok District. In 1640 after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, the district upgraded into Chilgok Dohobu due to its importance as a transportation hub of Youngnamdaero(the main road of Youngnam province in Chosun Dynasty). In its early stages, the government office was located in Kasan fortress, later the of office was moved to Eupnae-Dong. The Chilgok district has experienced a developmental lag resulting from the office's removal to Waegwan, located on the Kyungbu railroad since 1914. Later, due to the increasing influence of nearby Daegu City, urbanization continued gradually. Finally in 1981 Chilgok district was officially incorporated into Daegu Metropolitan City. In the later 1980s, the housing land development project was applied into the district centered on the alluvial plain of Palgeo-Cheon(stream) of the Northern part of Taejun-Bridge. Although the old built up zone was excluded from public sector development projects, private sector development has made the zone a modern town. Now, Chilgok district has transformed into a high-density residential new town in which high-rise apartment complexes mingle with numerous houses. As the district has developed, traffic jams have become a hot issue and it is going to get worse than now as the development continues. To solve this problem, Daegu city needs to swiftly construct the fourth belt way and the third subway line.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.73-90
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• 2011

The purpose of this research was to find out the characteristics of secluded cultural landscapes that were retained by Eyogye Cho Lyeo(漁溪 趙旅) as a recluse or a schola at the early time of Chosun dynasty through his poems, residential site and his successors' landscapes. The study sites were selected such as Wonbukgae(院北齋), Chamijeong(採薇亭), Gomaam (叩馬巖) and his graveyard. In order to do that, Wonbukgae, Chamijeong, Gomaam and his cemetery were selected as studying sites. Also researching methods were used by grasping the landscape elements through reading ancient books such as "Eyogyezip(漁溪集)", field-researching, analyzing characters of his secluded landscapes and interpreting his poem's meaning. This research found that: 1) After Danjong(端宗)'s dethronement, he returned to his home town and never come out to the world again. He wanted to keep fidelity to his king forever. 2) He was affected for his seclusion from many people who were Ryu Gyebun(柳桂芬), Bae Junghu(裵仲厚) as his classmates at Sunggyungwan(成均館). Also Won ho(元昊) and Kim Sisyub(金時習) as members of Sangyuksin(生六臣) affected him for sake of their seclusion. 3) The meaning of his seclusion expressed the notation of seclusion as a fisherman from his pen name as 'Yeogye'. Also this kind culture has very particular behavior such as concentration phenomenon of action, absolute eccentricity of seclusion, tourism of nature and deep knoledge of feng shui, strong persistence of seclusion and confucian practical attitude of filial behavior. 4) The secluded cultural landscape is divided to four regions. They have two types of landscape such as secluded cultural landscape of his lifetime and landscape transmission of his posterity and scholars. 5) The interpretation of his poems and their aesthetic analysis found two characters. His poems were expressed by landscape substance like plants, natural and man-made elements. Their theme was confucian, peaceful and faithful seclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.192-207
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• 2018

The Hyangwonjeong and Chwihyanggyo located in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace have mainly been investigated by referring to historical records about the reign of King Gojong and various drawings thought to have been made in the late Joseon period. Because the current Chwihyanggyo was rebuilt temporarily after being burned to the ground during the Korean War, its form and the location of its reconstruction are not grounded on any accurate historical investigation. Although there are some photos of the Chwihyanggyo that were taken between the end of the Joseon period and the Japanese colonial era, there is no information about the photographer or when they were taken, and it is hard to see which photos show the original Chwihyanggyo Bridge with them. The Cultural Heritage Administration, which is currently promoting the restoration of the Chwihyanggyo, has recognized this problem and initiated research on the matter. In 2017, an excavation survey successfully identified the original location of the Chwihyanggyo, as well as that of Hyangwonji Gado (假島), and the shape of the first foundation stone in the pier. With these findings it was possible to infer the ways in which the Chwihyanggyo has changed over the years. Moreover, by measuring the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometer) of the samples collected in the mounding layer of the Gado where the Hyangwonjeong is located, it was discovered that the Hyangwonjeong was constructed sometime after the Imjin waeran (Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), which means that the theory that 'the late Joseon Hyangwonjeong was not the former early Josenn Chwirojeong' is groundless. Judging by the materials found to date, we can reasonably assume that the Chwihyanggyo and Hyangwonjeong must have been built around the same time that Geoncheonggung Palace was founded in the late Joseon period.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.209-215
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• 1992

Different from 'Seyokwiryang' (歲易爲良 : fallowing as the best method) which was an agricultural technique of ancient China, fertilization of rice fields was already practiced in the end of Koryo age in Korea. 'Bunjongbeob'(糞種法 : fertilizer applicating method on seed) or 'Bunkwabeob' (糞科法 : fertilizer applicating method on each plant) was practiced before green manure of bean crops and 'Bunjeonbeob'(糞田法 : fertilizer practicing method on fields) were done. In the 15th century 'Dojeonbunjeonbeob'(稻田糞田法 : fertilizer applicating method on paddy) in 'Jikseol' was divided the materials to be used into the soil brought from another place, trees, grasses, and the manure. Also, it discribed the fertilization between first plowing and the second, and proper fertilization for particular soil conditions. In case of transplanting techniques, the fertilization practices were specified into nursery and rice fields, and restoration of organic matter was systemized by plowing for cultivation in the reclaimed areas. In the 17th century, through 'Jikseolbo'($\ulcorner$直說補$\lrcorner$), the habitual practice of Kyungsang province was systemized and 'Bunyangsool'(糞壤術 : technique of fertilization) of 'Jodoangkicheo' (早稻秧基處 : rearing fields of early-ripening rice) was completed. Specific things was the manufacturing and utilizing techniques of 'Bunhoe'(糞灰 : mixture of manure and ash), 'Yohoe'(尿灰 : mixture of urine and ash), and additional fertilizers. In the 18 to 19th century, the materials of fertilization were greatly enlarged to recover the waste lands and to support the reinforcement of soil fertility for increasing the system of two cropping a year. Also, 'Jeobunbeob'(貯糞法 : method of manure storage) and additional fertilization were emphasized, and use of wagons for it was emphasized to improve the theory of fertilization and working efficiency. As mentioned above, limitation of fertilizing materials was conquered by 'Dojeonbunyang'(稻田糞壤 : techniques of practicing fertilizers in paddy) and the system of additional fertilization was established. The fertilization methods were improved with 'Jeobunbeob' due to the theory and recognition necessary for high rates of fertilizers.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.445-473
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• 2018

This article deals with the reason for translating Korean Chinese written classics and the image of the person performing the translation. The scope of the research was restricted to South Korea and the translation value of translating the Korean classical texts from the 1960s to the 2018. In the 1960s and 1970s, the discourse of national culture and the Classical Sinology(漢學) discourse centered around the Minjokmunwhachujinhwe(民族文化推進會, National Culture Promotion Association). The discourse of the national culture was paired with the modernization, and the discourse of Classical Sinology(漢學) discourse was a certain antagonism to the discourse of modernization. The translator stereotype in this periods was close to a Classical Sinology(漢學) who could wright Korean letters. The discourse of the national culture led to the establishment of The Academy of Korean Studies by pairing with the discourse of the spiritual culture, and then changed into Korean study discourse in the 1980s. Since the mid 80s, the theory of translation has been introduced byo Kim Yong-ok. The translation of the Chosun dynasty annals, which started in the 70s, made the classical translation discourse in the classical translation field into the national project efficiency discourse. To the Early achievement of state-led gigantic project through group translation, they emphasized coherence and efficiency. On the contrary, the individuality of the translators and aspects of in-depth research have weakened. This discourse also influenced until the early 2000s. These large translation projects were produced by professional translator group. With the establishment of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(Hankuk Kojon Bunyukwon) in 2007, he foundation for the stability of the classical translation business was established, and the classical translation discourse was shifted to the academic discourse centered on classical translation sudies. This discussion was expanded to the request of the establishment of an academic institution called the Classical Translation Graduate School, with a discussion on the academic identities of classical translation studies. The imagies of translators, paired with the academic discourse of this period, and that the classical translators must be classical scholars and translators, are begun to be requested. Thus, the classical translation value discourse changed with the passage of time, and the imagies of classical translators have been changed accordingly.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.70-79
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• 1992

From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.

• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.977-998
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• 2009

In this article, we give a comparative study on the last 300 years of USA and Korean tertiary mathematics. The first mathematics classes in United States were offered before July, 1638, but the real founding of tertiary mathematics courses was in 1640 when Henry Dunster assumed the duties of the presidency at Harvard. President Dunster read arithmetics and geometry on Mondays and Tuesdays to the third year students during the first three quarters, and astronomy in the last quarter. So tertiary mathematics education in United States began at Harvard which is the oldest college in USA. After 230 years since then, Benjamin Peirce in 1870 made a major and first American contribution to mathematics and got an attention from European mathematicians. Major change on the role of Harvard mathematics from teaching to research made by G.D. Birkhoff when he joined as an assistant professor in 1912. Tertiary mathematics education in Korea started long before Chosun Dynasty. But it was given to only small number of government actuarial officers. Modern mathematics education of tertiary level in Korea was given at Sungkyunkwan, Ewha, Paichai, and Soongsil. But all college level education opportunity, particularly in mathematics, was taken over by colonial government after 1920. And some technical and normal schools offered some tertiary mathematics courses. There was no college mathematics department in Korea until 1945. After the World War II, the first college mathematics department was established, and Rimhak Ree in 1949 made a major and first Korean contribution to modern mathematics, and later found Ree group. He got an attention from western mathematicians for the first time as a Korean. It can be compared with Benjamin Peirce's contribution for USA.