• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.7-50
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• 2014

This study focuses on the funeral rites for Queen Wongyeong during the early Joseon period as part of a review of the changes in the state funeral system and ceremonial procedures. Conducted by the king in his role as chief mourner, the state funeral for King Taejong's wife Queen Wongyeong that emerged during the 2nd year of King Sejong marked the first example recorded in the sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) of the three year-mourning rite being applied. In terms of the clothing for the state funeral, the significance of Jolgok (a rite conducted on the 100th day following the day of death) was emphasized, while the existing yeokwolje (period of wearing mourning clothes, one month was equated with one day) was abandoned. The existing temporary office system for state funerals was reorganized into a three-office system consisting of the Binjeon dogam (Office for Chapel of Rest), Gukjang dogam (Office for Funeral Rites), and Salleung dogam (Office for the Establishment of Royal Tombs). Buddhism-related rites greatly decreased and were increasingly regulated. The ceremonial procedures were also modified in accordance with the rites directly conducted by the king during the three-year mourning period. The basic pattern of the ceremonial procedure consisted of kneeling / wailing - salute - kneeling/ wailing, and, based on the wuje (rites to console the deceased), was divided into 'make offerings to the deceased' (奠, jeon) and 'hold a memorial service for the deceased' (祭, je). This reflected the differing perceptions of jeon (奠) and je (祭) following the establishment of auspicious rites (gillye) during the reign of King Taejong. In short, the state funeral for Queen Wongyeong provides materials with which to analyze the establishment of the funeral rites and ceremonial procedures designed based on the actual three-year mourning period observed by the king, study the ritual ceremonies conducted during the ancient period, as well as foster an understanding of ancient systems.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.688-699
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• 1999

This study was to find out the perceptions of toward death and caring behavior of lay persons in one community : One Island in Puan County, Chonbuk. The methodology of this study was ethnography. For this study, the fieldwork was conducted from October 1997 to July 1998. Data collected by in-depth interview and participant observations. The participants consisted fo were 17 persons of both sexes. The key informants were four specific people. The result of this study is as follows ; The people perceived two different kinds of death. Normal death, which means death from old age. The person was respected as an ancestor God and was believed to exist forever with their offspring. Abnormal death was regarded as negative, many had fears toward this kind of death. The causes of abnormal death were supernatural phenomena and had absolute holy meanings. Whether death was good or bad, the death was not personal, but collective events as family or community affairs and was interpreted as death and birth for their offsprings. Funeral rites were family-centered and/or com munity-centered. They did normal procedures for normal deaths for abnormal deaths, there were many protective ceremonies(BuJungMagi : the prevention of the taboo of uncleanliness) for the remaining people. These ceremonies combined confucism and shamanism. Caring behavior for dying persons was ruled as community-centered, reciprocal and reality-centered principles.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.344-354
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• 2008

The traditional ritual foods of Korea have developed with for many years, and differ by locality, family customs and religious characteristics. In an efforts to establish the database on that addresses the difficult issue of a classification system for traditional Korean foods, we have conducted a survey of a traditional Korean ritual foods. In the database, typical 10 rites are represented, covering birth to death, these are birth, the hundredth day after birth, the first birthday, the commemoration of finishing books(graduation), the coming of age ceremony, marriage, the birthday feast for an old man, the 60th wedding anniversary, the funeral, and the memorial service. For each rite, the appropriate traditional Korean foods are classified into 6 categories-main dishes, side dishes, tteok lyou, hangwa lyou, eumchung lyou and the others. Some of these have varied considerably with the passage of time, and some have since disappeared. This database provides a basis for generational transmission, preservation and development of traditional Korean ritual foods as one of the components traditional Korean culture.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.359-386
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• 2015

To date, the study of the $jh{\bar{a}}peti$ is small. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" was found in the Gumamodo University in 2006, research has gained a new opportunity. The '연약(練若)' of "Osamyunyaksinhakbiyoung(오삼연약신학비용)" is an abbreviation of ara?ya should be unified in "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung(五衫練若新學備用)". The second volume contains the following information. Since the Buddhist ritual of ordinary people, this made according to fit the rules in accordance with the environment(隨方毗尼). Obok(五服) is called according to the meaning Osam(五衫) of dressed standard. Gamguhyodangdo is to install one incense and one lanterns to illuminate their own buddha, is where enshrines the relics(śarīra). Back to the article, which should show the face bitter and sad hearts. Over white paper it should represent an article. Posts containing the meaning of the sacrifice must necessarily meant to inform heaven as articles for the dead. Such "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of structure and contents of the second volume was reflected in "Sungmoonsanguicho(釋門喪儀抄)". "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" written intent is reflected in the prolegomena of the "Sungmoonsanguicho" it influenced $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites during the Joseon Dynasty. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of prepare after death and "Sunksiyoram(釋氏要覽)" of funeral was incorporated as "Sungmoonsanguicho". It built the $st{\bar{u}}pa$ is a symbol of tranquility achieved a kind of enlightenment. Human life ends with death, and it completed the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites in "Sungmoonsanguicho". The significance here is in. Tying the funeral and burial in one enshrine the relics will be shown on the top by the completion of life. In particular, Kankyungdogam(刊經都監) published in the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" were engraved production and dissemination. That it will have another significance.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.48
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• pp.151-168
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• 1999

A Study on a Woman's Shrouds in Middle of the 16 Century based on the excavation of the Mrs. Moon's grave in Andong is reported in this paper. As a result of the study the followings are obtained: 1. From the architecture and costume in the Mrs. Moon's grave we can conclude that Confucian funeral rites were already established in Andong region of the 16th century. 2. The articles used for funeral rites can be classified as Bujangpum(副葬品) Chikwanjeku(治棺諸具) Bokongpoom(補空品), and Yumsupku(斂솝具) and costumes for the death wrapping can be especially classified as Yumsupeui(斂섭衣) 3. Total 63 remains were excavated from the Mrs. Moon's grave. Among them 3 Chikwanjeku 19 Daeryumku(大斂具) 12 Soryumku(小斂具) and 29 Supku(섭具) Yumsup procedure was performed with great care Shrouds were the casual cloths and only Sangbok were made for the ritual Several Sooeui were found. 4. Pricedyak characteristics of Yumsup include unusual direction of wrap the meaning of Boolryu and unusual Chingsoo of used clothes. 5. There were 41 costumes in : Coats were Sangbok and Jangot upper cloths were long jacket and short jacket Danjukori Jeoksam and Hansam Each of the trousers and the skirts were two different kinds by the form The pair of Hangjeon socks shoes and a cap found in this grave were also studied.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-40
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• 2016

This thesis is a study on the symbolism of 'Yeondo', a prayer for the souls in purgatory of Korean Catholic Church as a 'psychic container' for the spiritual transformation in the psyche from a perspective of analytical psychology. Yeondo' could be the 'rites of passage' of the last judgement for the souls in purgatory which is in between the heaven and the hell. And both the bereaved and the dead go through the stages of separation, transition and incorporation which are the schema of the 'rites of passage'. In particular, they have a special sense of solidarity at the stage of transition, a middle state. The symbolic process of 'Yeondo' is a spiritual transformation of recovery of paradise which could access by the confusion of death, purification and the rebirth. A spiritual reborn process of death and rebirth takes place by contacting the collective unconscious. In 'Yeondo', the death is not the end of life but the beginning of the eternal life. The confusion and disintegration caused by death can be purified and start incorporating. The rites of a paradise recovery has the meaning of trying constantly for the recovery of a wholeness. Praying for the blessing of God and a help from saints in paradise for the sake of the dead means to require conscious cooperation for the Self-realization. Integrating and recognizing unconscious also means something beyond the conscious. The blessed souls in purgatory recovers the paradise experiencing specific purifying process heading towards Self. Going into the center, abyss of unconscious will be recognized as an absolute part of oneself. One becomes the inner man, the transformed personality who is reached by the path of self-knowledge, the kingdom of heaven within oneself and can have the transpersonal energy, which enables to access to God's world and union with God. All desire and the will become one with God. In the final analysis, praying for the blessing of God and a help from saints in paradise for the sake of the dead becomes the path for the more and more conscious expansion of the alive. Therefore, 'Yeondo' as an initiation is the individuation process of the alive and the dead to reflect on themselves.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.31-44
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• 2016

Geum'yeok-dang house in Andong was originally constructed in 1558. The original floor plan of the upper base featured a 90-degree tilted '日' shape, and had inner court(內庭) on each side of 'Jungdang(中堂, center hall)' building that was placed on the south-north axis. When designing the building, the Neo-Confucian client of Geum'yeok-dang applied his understanding of how Ga'rye("家禮") defined the structure of ritual space. Consequently, 'Daecheong(大廳)', the place where guests were greeted and ancestral rites and coming of age ceremonies for male were held, was built in a protruding fashion. 'Jungdang'[otherwise known as 'Jeongchim(正寢)'], where coming of age ceremonies for females were held, the master of the house faced death, and memorials for close ancestors were held, was placed at the center of the residence on the south-north axis. The Geum'yeok-dang today was greatly renovated in the early and mid 18th century, due to the spread of 'Ondol' heating system. As the Ondol heating system became popular, the pre-existing drawbacks and the inconvenience of the house stood out clearly. As a result, the house was renovated into today's structure consisting of '口' shape 'Anchae' and 'Daecheongchae' in separate building.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.111-125
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• 2022

This study historically examined nine representative community-related elements such as Hyangyak, Doore, Pumassi, Dongje, Gwallye, Wedding, Funeral, Ancestral Rites, Saemaul Undong, etc. in our society. This study aimed to create a better Korean society by revealing the relationship between well-aging and well-dying. This study investigated and analyzed 45 recent papers published between 2016 and 2021. As a result of the analysis, out of 45 cases, 22 cases are connected to the Joseon Dynasty, and 15 cases are related to modern society. When divided into life and death, 6 out of 9 items were bound to life, and 3 items encompassed life and death. And based on the relationship between well-aging and well-dying, it was specified as Type A-D. In conclusion, this study allows our society to achieve social integration and share the interests of the community through the principle of reciprocity and solidarity. This study can contribute from the perspective of convergence to becoming a true community that can share the interests of the community.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.