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The Efficiency and Improvement of the Highway Wild-Life Fences for Decrease of Mammals Road-kill - In Case of Manjong~Hongchun Section on Jungang Highway - (포유류 로드킬 저감을 위한 고속도로 유도울타리 효율성 및 개선방안 연구 - 중앙고속도로 만종~홍천 구간을 사례로 -)

  • Song, Jeong-Seok;Lee, Kyong-Jae;Ki, Kyong-Seok;Jun, Ik-Yo
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.25 no.5
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    • pp.649-657
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    • 2011
  • This study had targeted the Manjong Junction~Hongchun interchange section of Jungang highway in order to analyze the efficiency and improvement of the highway wild-life fences. Being analyzed wild-life fence as an effective facility for the prevention of road-kill, it had founded that the wild animals did not jump over even the two layer guardrail, concrete barrier and noise barrier, fence for rock fall. For the section with high road-kill decrease effect after installing the wild-life fence, the effect was higher at wild-life fence with the height of 1.0m where the door had not been installed and the well connected points of road facility than the area with fence height of 1.5m. The road-kill decrease effect was also high at the well managed areas even if the door has not been installed. Also, road-kill had occurred by concentrating around the end of wild-life fence after installing the fence, Moreover road-kill had also occurred around the cutting section. The door of wild-life fence had higher amount of road-kill occurrence as the installation interval was closer. it was analyzed that the door management has a lot of effect on road-kill decrease. The fence for rock fall, two layer guardrail and concrete barrier having the effect of wild-life fence installed on the road would have to be installed by connecting with wild-life fences through proper facility improvement. Although the door should not be installed if possible, it should be installed as automatic door or gravity door to prevent the door from leaving the door open. An escape route has to be formed for the prompt escape away from the road for the animals entered through the ending section of the fence. The eco-corridor has to be made by restoring the soil layer of dual purpose eco-corridor forming a planting area. Also, the dead body after the accident has to be disposed to the outer section of the road immediately in order to prevent the secondary road-kill by the predator from the road-kill. The fence has to be installed as 500m or longer in both ways, in other words 1,000m or longer, from the targeted spot of minimum accident prevention while connecting up to the bridge or box culvert, etc that are next road facilities if possible to guide wild animals safely to the eco-corridor.

Clinical Evaluation of Surgical Resection of Pulmonary Tuberculosis (폐결핵에 대한 외과적 치험)

  • Park, Seung-Kyu;Shon, Mal-Hyun;Han, Dong-Gi;Ha, Hyun-Chul;Jin, Young-Ho;Song, Sun-Dae
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.474-480
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    • 1995
  • Background: In spite of initial intensive and long-term chemotherapy for pulmonary tuberculosis, many problems remain in the treatment of the residual lesion. The role of surgical intervention for pulmonary tuberculosis is getting rid of such residual lesion of pulmonary tuberculosis to support the healing process and to induce bacteriologically negative conversion in the end. Method: We experienced 30 cases of pulmonary resection for pulmonary tuberculosis from Aug. 1994 through Apr. 1995 in National Masan Tuberculosis Hospital. We conducted retrospective study to analyze several variables for the cases. Results: 1) The ratio between male and female was 4:1(male 24, female 6) and the age of peak incidence was in 3rd and 4th decades. 2) Indications for pulmonary resection in the radiographic findings were cavitary lesions of 19 cases(63.3%), destroyed one side of 8 cases(26.7%) and destroyed one lobe of 3 cases(10%). 3) 16 of 20 cases with unilateral lesions and all of 10 cases with bilateral lesions on chest X-ray films showed AFB positive on preoperative sputum smears. 14 cases(87.5%) of unilateral lesions and 9 cases(90%) of bilateral ones were converted into AFB negative postoperatively. Negative conversion rates of pneumonectomy and lobectomy cases were 100% and 85.7%, respectively. 4) Preoperative combined disease was 3 cases(10%) of DM and postoperative complications were 2 cases(6.7%) of dead space and no death. Conclusion: Chemotherapy only has some limitation in treatment of all tuberculosis. So, surgical intervention for pulmonary tuberculosis is an effective method as partner of chemotherapy.

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Comparison of Blood Physiology in Juvenile Black Seabream (Acanthopagrus schlegeli) Reared in Converted Freshwater from Seawater and Seawater from Freshwater (해수사육에서 담수사육으로, 담수사육에서 해수사육으로 전환된 감성돔 치어, Acanthopagrus schlegeli의 혈액생리학적 비교)

  • Chang Young Jin;Min Byung Hwa;Chang Hae Jin;Hur Jun Wook
    • Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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    • v.35 no.6
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    • pp.595-600
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    • 2002
  • Comparison of blood properties in juvenile black seabream (Acanthopans schlegeli) between transfer from seawater to freshwater (sFW) and transfer from freshwater to seawater (fSW) were investigated for 60 days. Plasma cortisol levels in sFW were significantly increased from 34.2 $\pm$ 28.6 ng/mL at the beginning to 365.6 $\pm$ 136.0 ng/mL at 3 hours, and decreased to the beginning level at 24 hours. However, in fSW, no significant differences in the cortisol levels were recognized throughout experimental period. No significant difference was found in the glucose levels between sFW and fSW. The transfer from seawater to freshwater of juvenile black seabream resulted in reduced $Na^{+}\;and\; Cl^{-}$ concentrations for 24 hours (decreasing from 165.3 $\pm$ 2.5, 146.0$\pm$ 2.2 to 118.3 $\pm$ 12.3, 78.0$\pm$ 7.0 mEq/L, respectively), but these were completely recovered the beginning levels at 30 days. Total protein and AST showed no significant differences between the two rearing conditions, while ALT was markedly elevated at 3 hour in sFW and at 24 hours in fSW. Ht in sFW was increased from 18.5 $\pm$ $0.6\%$ at the beginning to 25.3 $\pm$ $4.0\%$ at 12 hours, and was decreased to the beginning level at 24 hours. Ht, RBC and Hb in fSW were also significantly higher at 12 hours, but recovered to their initial levels at 24 hours. All fish were dead until 50 days in sFW while survival rate in fSW was $85\%$ at the end of experiment.

Effects of Seeding Dates on the Growth Characteristics, Dry Matter Yield and Feed Value of Teosinte New Variety, "Geukdong 6" [Zea mays L. subsp. mexicana (Schrad.) H. H. Iltis] (파종시기가 테오신트 [Zea mays L. subsp. mexicana (Schrad.) H. H. Iltis] 신품종 "극동 6호"의 생육 특성, 수량 및 사료가치에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Gyeong Suk;Lee, Sang Moo
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.9-16
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    • 2019
  • This study was carried out to investigate the effects of seeding dates and cultivated period on the growth characteristics, dry matter yield and feed value of Teosinte new variety "Geukdong 6"[Zea mays L. subsp. mexicana (Schrad.) H. H. Iltis]for feed. The experimental design was arranged in a randomized block design with three replications. Treatments consisted of five time seeding dates, 10 May(T1), 25 May(T2), 10 June(T3), 25 June(T4) and 10 July(T5), and same time harvesting, 22 October. Therefore, growing period were 164 days(T1), 149 days(T2), 134 days(T3), 119 days(T4) and 103 days(T5), respectively. In growth stage at harvest time, T1, T2, T3, T4 and T5 were early flowering, end heading, middle heading, early heading and early heading stage, respectively. Plant length and dead leaf were highest in T1, but leaf width and number of leaf were highest in T2 than others (p<0.05). Leaf length, stem diameter and number of tiller were not significantly different among the treatments (p<0.05). Stem hardness was higher in order of T1(2.0)> T2(1.9) > T3=T4(1.7) > T5($1.2kg/cm^2$). Fresh yield and dry matter yield showed significantly higher as the sowing time was faster and the cultivation period was longer (T1 > T2 > T3 > T4 > T5, p<0.05). Crude protein, crude fat and TDN content were highest in T5, but ADF and NDF content were highest in T1 than others (p<0.05). T1, T2 and T3 showed significantly higher crude protein yield compared to T4 and T5 (p<0.05). Total digestible nutrients yield were higher in order of T1 > T2 > T3 > T4 > T5 (p<0.05), and relative feed value were higher in order of T5 > T4 > T3 > T2 > T1 (p<0.05). Based on the above results, seeding dates could be recommended from the early May to the late May, and it is efficient that the cultivation period is over 150 days for dry matter yield, crude protein yield and total digestible nutrients yield.

Effects of environmental enrichments on performance and behavior characteristics of sows during gestating period (환경보조물이 임신모돈의 생산성 및 행동특성에 미치는 영향)

  • Jeong, Yong-Dae;Kim, Doo-Wan;Min, Ye-Jin;Jung, Hyun-Jung;Cho, Eun-Seok;Kim, Young-Hwa
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.428-434
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    • 2019
  • Many countries have interested animal welfare. Similarly, domestic people have concern for the welfare from companion animals to livestock. Environmental enrichments (EE) are tool to enforce the welfare, however, research with sows is limited. Therefore, this study was investigate to effects of environmental enrichments on performance and behavior properties of gestating sows. A total of 30 pregnant sows (Landrace) were assigned into three treatments that control, T1 (plastic device) and T2 (Rice straw). Period of trial was from Mar. 03. 18. to Mary 19. 18. The EE were allotted to center of experimental pen ($11.6{\times}6.0m$). Body weight (BW), backfat thickness (BF) and cortisol were identified at experimental initial or end date. Behavior was recorded during 24 hours on days 91 of gestation, and then analyzed the patterns. BF was reduced (15.73 vs. 16.56 mm; p>0.05) in T1 than control, but Ending BW, total litter size and alive piglets did not differ. Born dead piglets showed lower tendency (1.00 and 0.63 vs. 1.50 heads; p>0.05) in T1 and T2 than control. Similarly, the enrichments declined farrowing mortality (C, 8.68%; T1, 6.86%; T2, 3.40%; p>0.05). Cortisol was not differed among treatments. In the behavior characteristics, eating showed lower (1.81 vs. 9.68 and 6.99%; p<0.05) in T2 than control and T1. Furthermore, playing or digging were only observed (0.33 and 2.10%; p<0.05) in T1 and T2, respectively, whereas rubbing (0.91%, p<0.05) only showed in the control. These results suggest that the provision of EE would be not negatively affected the performance of the gestating sows and could be led to improvement of the livestock welfare.

Mobilities and Phenomenology of Place, A Perspective for the Popular Narrative Studies -David Seamon's Life Takes Place (모빌리티와 장소 현상학, 대중서사 연구의 한 관점 -데이비드 시먼의 『삶은 장소에서 일어난다』를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Tae-Hee
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.469-506
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    • 2019
  • More than a few existing studies on popular narratives that pay attention to 'place' tend to adopt as their theoretical framework the celebrated distinction between space and place. According to this distinction, to put it simply, space is allegedly mobile, whereas place is static. Given this distinction, and in this age of high-mobility, where the spaces of mobilities seem to rapidly and extensively undermine the places of immobilities, would studies on popular narratives focusing on 'place' still remain convincing? Referring to David Seamon's recent book Life Takes Place: Phenomenology, Lifeworlds, and Place Making, this article aims to consider the possibility of studies on popular narratives in the era of high-mobility. To explore the concept of 'place' through phenomenological methodology, Seamon's book uses a theoretical framework called the 'progressive approximation,' which is attentive to synergistic relationality. According to this approach, the place should first be put under scrutiny as a whole, i.e. as the monad of place. Phenomenological studies on the monad of place as a whole identify places as the fundamental condition for human beings. Then, in accordance with the 'progressive' order of research, places are studied as dyads, i.e. as binary oppositions. Through these analyses, movement/rest, insideness/outsideness, the ordinary/the extra-ordinary, the within/the without, homeworld/alienworld are identified as the five dyads of place. To make a detour around these binary oppositions and confrontations, however, phenomenological studies on place now advance to the higher order of six place triads including place interaction, place identity, place release, place realization, place intensification, and place creation, whereby the study of place progressively approaches the 'approximate' essence of place. Reflectively asking himself about the idea of 'place' in the high-mobility era, the author of this informative and insightful book submits an answer that place is still the fundamental sine qua non of human beings. However, this answer is more likely to be bounded by the binary opposition of space/place, and movement/rest accordingly. In this article, I suggest as an alternative and hopefully more promising answer a perspective of transcending this kind of a dead-end dichotomy and of performing 'place-making' through the mobilities themselves, while presenting a noticeable example of the manner in which research on popular narratives could begin from this perspective.

A Perspective of Analytical Psychology on "Jin Do Dasiraegi" (진도 다시래기의 상징적 의미)

  • Sang-Hag Park
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.149-188
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    • 2011
  • This thesis presents the research of analytical psycholoy in respect of Jindo Dasiraegi. In a funeral of Jindo, situated in the southern island of Korea, there is a theatrical performance which is called Dasiraegi(rebirth). This research manifested a basic, universal meaning of psychological approach related the implicit of death in performing theatre from a analytic psychological point of view. The characteristics of this theatrical feast are like these ; 1) funeral festival 2) entrance of clown(the existence of antipole and conflict) 3) eroticism 4) active participation of female character 5) difficulty in her delivery 6) the moment of joy thanks to childbirth. The prerequisite of this feast should be a propitious mourning of person dying old and rich. That is, after having a complete life, it could be an entire death. Three main roles in Dasiraegi ; a bat-blind buddhist devotee, a strolling actor teasing men, an apostate monk, theses characters lock horns in a form of triangle conflict relations, then they keep a balance with a fake mourner as a protagonist , modulator and narrator. These characters are indeed clowns who manifested a metaphor as a decent, sacred and reasonable part of shadow regards group consciousness. The alive and the deceased, mourner and fake mourner, piety and confusion, wail and laugh, silence and grumble, death and birth, diverse antipole all coexist then theses are in harmony. The blind devotee and the monk are in antipole, the entertainer(anima) provokes a conflict between them. The infant is a solution as same as a result of conflict. This conflict seems to be eased by birth of a baby which is a symbol of wholeness(ganzheits) but the conflict of antipole is reenacted as insisting his parental right so this solution is leaving the baby to the chief mourner who is fourth character and the first beginning. Unconsciousness, hereby, is negotiating with appeared reality. The Images in unconsciousness are conscious and this new energy in unconsciousness is proceeding towards consciousness, then it became a therapeutic power for the loss of consciousness. Dasiraegi is the play of consolation much more for the alive than the deceased. The death signified not a loss but a resurrection and this intends a transition of new leading independent role for the alive. These make us have more prudent consideration concern the double sense of renewal for the dead and the alive. It is preserved as only a form of drama on stage after disappearance of Dasiraegi in a funeral recently. Dasiraegi was a manifestation of unconsciousness for compensation about the unilateral attitude of group consciousness to the strict death excessively. Therefore, this will enable reflect the relativeness and the attitude which regards the death as the end today.

Granulocytic Sarcoma(Chloroma) in Leukemic Patients (백혈병 환자의 과립구 육종(녹색종양))

  • Rhee, Seung-Koo;Kang, Yong-Ku;Bahk, Won-Jong;Jung, Yang-Kuk;Lee, Sang-Wook;Jeong, Ji-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korean bone and joint tumor society
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    • v.11 no.1
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    • pp.54-61
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    • 2005
  • Purpose: The granulocytic sarcoma which developed in leukemic patients are quite rare and it will have bad prognosis, but it's tumor pathogenesis and also their treatment are not yet established. Through this study we have tried to know their clinical course, prognosis and their end result of recent treatment. Material and Methods: Total 20 patients of granulocytic sarcoma which were developed in total 2,197 leukemic patients from April, 1998 to September, 2004 were treated at the leukemic center and the orthopaedic department of St. Mary's hospital, Catholic University of Korea, and followed them for 1~78 months(average 18 months). Results: Total 20 cases of granulocytic sarcoma was found in 14 cases of total 1,331 acute myelocytic leukemic patients(AML), 4 cases of total 744 of chronic myelocytic leukemic patients(CML), and only one case in total 122 of acute biphenotype of leukemia. And so their occurrence rate in leukmic patients are actually 0.91%, total 20 cases of granulocytic sarcoma in total 2,197 leukemic patients at same period. Their ages are average 28.3 years(4~52 years), and male are predominant(13 cases) than female(7 cases). Single involvement was found in 11 cases but multiple lesions are in 9 cases, and spine, brain, extremities, chest, and pelvic bone are involved in frequency. The granulocytic sarcoma was developed in various stages of the leukemia, ie, 8 cases in complete remission of leukemia, and 12 cases in the treatment process of AML. The pathohistologic evaluation of granulocytic sarcoma was done in 6 cases which was developed in their extremities, and confirmed numerous immature myeloblasts and lymphocytes mixed. The treatment of these granulocytic sarcoma was mainly limited for the treatment of leukemia by Glivac and massive steroid therapy(19cases) and also combined with the bone marrow transplantation(13 cases), but radiation therapy with average 3,500 rads in 15 cases out of total 20 sarcomas was also done, and followed them for average 17.5 months after development of granulocytic sarcomas. Finally their prognosis was so bad that 12 patients(60%) out of total 20 granulocytic sarcoma were dead in 6.5 months after sarcoma developed and we found the granulocytic sarcoma was more fatal if they are developed during the process of CML(mortality: 100%(4/4cases). Conclusion: The prognosis of granulocytic sarcomas in leukemic patients are quite fatal, and much more studies for their pathogenesis and ways of treatment should be performed continuously.

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Wind and Flooding Damages of Rice Plants in Korea (한국의 도작과 풍수해)

  • 강양순
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.34 no.s02
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    • pp.45-65
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    • 1989
  • The Korean peninsular having the complexity of the photography and variability of climate is located within passing area of a lots of typhoon occurring from the southern islands of Philippines. So, there are various patterns of wind and flooding damages in paddy field occuring by the strong wind and the heavy rain concentrated during the summer season of rice growing period in Korea. The wind damages to rice plants in Korea were mainly caused by saline wind, dry wind and strong wind when typhoon occurred. The saline wind damage having symptom of white head or dried leaves occurred by 1.1 to 17.2 mg of salt per dry weight stuck on the plant which was located at 2. 5km away from seashore of southern coastal area during the period(from 27th to 29th, August, 1986) of typhoon &Vera& accompanying 62-96% of relative humidity, more than 6 m per second of wind velocity and 22.5 to 26.4$^{\circ}C$ of air temperature without rain. Most of the typhoons accompanying 4.0 to 8. 5m per second of wind and low humidity (lesp an 60%) with high temperature in the east coastal area and southen area of Korea. were changed to dry and hot wind by the foehn phenomenon. The dry wind damages with the symptom of the white head or the discolored brownish grain occurred at the rice heading stage. The strong wind caused the severe damages such as the broken leaves, cut-leaves and dried leaves before heading stage, lodging and shattering of grain at ripening stage mechanically during typhoon. To reduce the wind damages to rice plant, cultivation of resistant varieties to wind damages such as Sangpoongbyeo and Cheongcheongbyeo and the escape of heading stage during period of typhoon by accelerating of heading within 15th, August are effective. Though the flood disasters to rice plant such as earring away of field, burying of field, submerging and lodging damage are getting low by the construction of dam for multiple purpose and river bank, they are occasionally occurred by the regional heavy rain and water filled out in bank around the river. Paddy field were submerged for 2 to 4 days when typhoon and heavy rain occurred about the end of August. At this time, the rice plants that was in younger growing stage in the late transplanting field of southern area of Korea had the severe damages. Although panicles of rice plant which was in the meiotic growing stage and heading stage were died when flooded, they had 66% of yield compensating ability by the upper tilling panicle produced from tiller with dead panicle in ordinary transplanting paddy field. It is effective for reduction of flooding damages to cultivate the resistant variety to flooding having the resistance to bacterial leaf blight, lodging and small brown planthopper simultaneously. Especially, Tongil type rice varieties are relatively resistant to flooding, compared to Japonica rice varieties. Tongil type rice varieties had high survivals, low elongation ability of leaf sheath and blade, high recovering ability by the high root activity and photosynthesis and high yield compensating ability by the upper tillering panicle when flooded. To minimize the flooding and wind damage to rice plants in future, following research have to be carried out; 1. Data analysis by telemetering and computerization of climate, actual conditions and growing diagnosis of crops damaged by disasters. 2. Development of tolerant varieties to poor natural conditions related to flooding and wind damages. 3. Improvement of the reasonable cropping system by introduction of other crops compensating the loss of the damaged rice. 4. Increament of utilization of rice plant which was damaged.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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