• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cultural history

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The Emergence of Wooden Chamber Tombs with Stone Mound and the Changing Nature of Tombs at the Wolseong North Burial Ground of Gyeongju in the Early Silla Phase (신라 전기 적석목곽분의 출현과 경주 월성북고분군의 묘제 전개)

  • Choi, Byung Hyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.154-201
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    • 2016
  • During the Incipient and Early Silla phases, which witnessed the establishment and development of the ancient Silla state, the Wolseong North Burial Ground functioned as not only the central burial ground in the Gyeongju region of the capital of Silla but also as the central burial ground of the whole Silla state. Wolseong North Burial Ground is where transformations in Silla funerary architecture first occurred. As such, an empirical study of the tombs constructed at this burial ground can be regarded as a starting point from which an understanding of the development of the tomb culture of the Silla state may be achieved. This paper therefore aims to examine the changing nature of the tomb culture of the Early Silla phase through the burial data of Wolseong North Burial Ground and the Gyeongju region. Wooden chamber tombs were constructed from the late phase of Saroguk. At Wolseong North Burial Ground, which eventually developed into the central burial ground of the Gyeongju region, wooden chamber tombs embellished with stone packing emerged during the Incipient Silla phase; wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, on the other hand, first appeared in the Early Silla phase and eventually became established as the central tomb type. A key difference between the wooden chamber tomb embellished with stone packing and the wooden chamber tomb with stone mound is that, in the case of the latter, stones were packed not only around sides of the wooden structure that acted as the burial chamber but also on top of this structure. The addition of a high earthen mound surrounded by protective ring of stones is another distinctive feature of the latter, presenting a contrast to the low mound of the former. During the Early Silla phase, two types of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds were constructed at Wolseong North Burial Ground: those with burial chambers located above ground and those with subterranean burial chambers. Also constructed during this phase were the wooden chamber tomb embellished with packed stones, the wooden chamber tomb embellished with packed clay, simple earth cut burials, which had been used since the Incipient Silla phase, as well as the stone-lined burials with vertical entrance which first appeared in the Early Silla phase. However, of these different types of burials, it was only the wooden chamber tomb with stone mound that was covered with a 'high mound.' Differentiation between the different tomb types can also be observed in terms of location, type of burial chamber used, construction method, and tomb size. It is therefore possible to surmise that stratification between the different tomb types, which first emerged in the Incipient Silla phase, became intensified during the Early Silla phase.

The Necessity of Introducing Development Fee for Archaeology and Suggestions (매장문화재부담금제도의 도입 필요성과 방안)

  • Kim, Gwon Gu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.224-239
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    • 2016
  • This article aims to review the major problems of the present Korean management system of archaeology and to seek desirable suggestions in order to pursue the sustainable harmony between the recovery of academic excavations and economic development. In order to continue the sustainable harmony between preserving the values of archaeological resources as limited pure public goods and economic development, the present system of developer's payment for archaeology must be replaced by the introduction of the development fee for archaeology. The excavation of archaeological resources have been done according to the market principle, that is, the lower price principle. But the principle has produced a lot of serious problems in the Korean management system of archaeology, which must result in the market failure. So the governmental intervention is urgently required. By introducing the development fee, the archaeological field units and the developers can avoid direct contact. Instead, the Heritage Management Office will operate the excavation fund raised by the development fee for archaeology in order to avoid low-price contracts, degrading excavation quality, and other related residents' complaints and social conflicts in advance. In addition, the budget for purchasing the preserved excavation sites, which are the source of the landowners' enormous complaints, must be allocated to the Heritage Management Office by the Ministry of Planning and Finance. More budget for small-sized excavations must be allocated as well in order to solve many residents' complaints. These budget increase will be the fundamentals to decrease the residents' big complaints and social conflicts in relation with the archaeological management, which will be a challenge of the Korean government. Along with the governmental efforts, the archaeological field units must do their all-out efforts to overcome many problems in excavation including low-price contracts. Finally, the wage system and working status system must be revised. Excellent young excavators must be recruited appropriately and continue to work in a safe psychological condition, which are the basis to guarantee high-quality excavation.

Establishment of Buddhist Monks' Pungmul in the Late Joseon Dynasty and Its Meanings (조선 후기 절걸립패 풍물의 성립과 그 풍물사적 의의)

  • Son, Tae-do
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.78-117
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    • 2017
  • Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

Notes on the Status and Conservation of Callipogon Relictus Semenov in Korea (장수하늘소 현황 및 보전방안)

  • An, Seung Lak
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.260-279
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    • 2010
  • The analysis on bibliography and field investigation of Callipogon relictus Semenov, 1898 (Korean natural monument number 218) shows that the size varies from country to country, and Korean specimens, for which male is 85~120mm and female is 65~85mm, are found to be the largest. The average diameter and length of egg are 2.60mm and 6.72mm respectively. The larva has milky color and is about 100~150mm in length. The pupa is nearly 70~110mm. An adult generally appears from June to September in Korea in the broadleaf forest of lowland, whereas it appears from June to July in China. It is known that the pupa largely feed on the old tree trunk of Carpinus laxiflora (Siebold & Zucc.) blume in Korea, but no such data have been reported in China and Russia, showing differences in host plants. While the larva period is not exactly known in Korea, it is reported to be two years in China. It appears that the species inhabits in very limited regions of approximately between geographical latitude $37.5^{\circ}{\sim}47.8^{\circ}$ and longitude $126^{\circ}{\sim}140^{\circ}$ including Korea, China and Russia. To conserve the long-horned beetle in Korea, this research drew out following some conclusions through analyzing the references and field survey data. First, it need to perform precise survey on the natural environment of occurring and collected area or place including host plant kinds, temperate, humidity, latitude, longitude etc. Second, habitat region must be designated as a restricted development area, and it need to exclude or reduce the damage factors to prosper reproduction of the species. Third, it is necessary to keep loosing cautiously artificial breeding individuals in the reported sites, not disturbing scope of natural populations. Fourth, it needs to educate or publicize many people importance and value of this species through many methods.

Insect Fauna Status of Nature Reserve Areas in Korea (국내 천연보호구역의 곤충상 현황)

  • An, Seung Lak
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.72-87
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    • 2009
  • This research is insect diversity analysis on the basis of survey results and bibliographies of Hongdo Island, Mts. Seoraksan, Hallasan, Daeamsan & Daeusan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan nature reserves and Dokdo Protected Natural Area among 10 designated nature reserves. The Mt. Hallasan nature reserve has 1,867 species in 22 orders and shows the highest species diversity. The species diversities of Mt. Seoraksan, Mt. Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, Hongdo Island, Mt. Daeamsan & Daeusan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area reveal 1,604 species in 19 orders, 704 species in 18 orders, 474 species in 19 orders, 468 species in 16 orders, and 114 species in 11 orders, respectively, in descending order. The order Lepidoptera shows as dominant taxa in Hongdo, Seoraksan, Hallasan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, whereas the order Coleoptera as subdominant taxa in these areas. On the other hand, in Mt. Daeamsan & Daeusan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area, the order Coleoptera appears as dominant taxa whereas the order Lepidoptera as subdominant taxa. The order Ephemeroptera has been shown the highest species diversity in Seoraksan which is reported to 25 species, Odonata in Hallasan to 28, Dermaptera in Seoraksan to 9, Orthoptera in Hallasan to 51, Hemiptera in Hallasan to 175, Homoptera in Seoraksan to 126, Hymenoptera in Hallasan to 183, and Diptera in Hallasan to 206. The species diversity is generally poor in Daeamsan & Daeusan, Hyangnobong peak & Geonbongsan, and Dokdo Protected Natural Area. Maybe this result is caused by the lack of various academic surveys compared to the other areas. It is needed to study systematic academic investigation on insect in the nature reserve areas in Korea, and to plan appropriate management and conservation on natural environment considering biodiversity of each nature reserve area.

A Study on the Sketch of Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple (수타사 삼신불괘불도(三身佛掛佛圖) 초본(草本) 연구)

  • Kim, Chang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.112-131
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    • 2009
  • The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

Iconographic Interpretation of 1569 Tejaprabha Buddha Painting in the Korai Museum of Kyoto Japan (일본 고려미술관(高麗美術館) 소장 1569년 작 <치성광여래강림도>의 도상해석학적 고찰)

  • Kim, Hyeon-jeong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.70-95
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    • 2013
  • The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji (삼태극의 의미고찰)

  • Kim, Myoung Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

A Study on the Gang Sehwang's Ink Orchid Painting (표암 강세황의 묵란화 연구)

  • Kang, Young Ju
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.102-123
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    • 2013
  • This paper is a study about the Gang Sehwang's (姜世晃 1713~1791) Ink Orchid Painting. Gang Sehwang is a representative literati gentleman who painted Four Gentlemen, for the first time, during the late Joseon Dynasty. There are 20 pieces of Ink Orchid Painting of his in Korea. His recognition of the Ink Orchid Painting can be understood through his records and analysis of his Ink Orchid Painting. He considered the sketch from the nature (寫生), practice of old paintings (古畵), and copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜). Particularly, Gang Sehwang focused on the copy-training of old paintings (古畵臨倣) which integrates the will and spirit of old literati gentlemen. This means that he had recognized the picture as a means of 'literature carrying morality (載道). Also, we could read self-discipline (修己的) values from his continuative copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜臨倣). Next, his Ink Orchid Painting were divided into the first half of the term (his 30s to 40s) and the second half of the term (his 60s to 78 years old). He had polished up on the Jieziyuanhuazhan ("芥子園畵傳") during the first half of the term and on the Shizhuzhaishuhuapu ("十竹齋書畵譜") or the Maejuknanguksabo ("梅竹蘭菊四譜") during the second half of the term. Therefore, it could be understood that he had depended on the manual of paintings (畵譜) for a long time. Nevertheless, he had completed the elegant and graceful Pyeoam Orchid (豹菴蘭)' based on his skill of the manual of paintings (畵譜) in his 70s. Finally, the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting and painters who lived (worked) at that time were investigated. He made?? the Albums of Calligraphy and Painting (書畵合壁帖) with Shim Sajeong (沈師正) and Choi Buk (崔北). They also interacted with each other by Calligraphy and Painting (書畵). Also, Yi Insang (李麟祥) and Im Heeji (林熙之) contributed to the diversification of the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting style by imitating Ink Orchid Painting with the manual of paintings (畵譜). Moreover, it is meaningful that the Ink Orchid Painting of Gang Se-hwang and the18th century Ink Orchid painters influenced the foundation of the 19th century Ink Orchid Painting fashion.

A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.