• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.120-141
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• 2013

Korea, China, and Japan forms triangle structure which mixed complicatedly on the history and maritime territorial disputes. Nationalism lies on the basis of triangle structure, and it is a main factor which increase tension and conflicts among three countries. Considering dynamics of changing nationalism circumstance, Ieodo issue needs to prepare active countermeasures which considers cope with nationalism confrontations. The aim of this article is suggests preparations of active countermeasures cope with nationalism provocative actions. First, I will specify nationalism as a factor of territorial dispute, and review characters of Ieodo issue. Second, I will analyse China's nationalism to Ieodo through analysis of China's media contents and coverage trend of Ieodo issue (2006~2008). I will suggest necessity of active defense measures coup with China's nationalism, basis of these analysis. As a result, China's nationalism might be a criterion which measures of China's desire for Ieodo. Stimulating Ieodo coverage of China's state media can be a criterion which predicts China governments's for Jurisdiction of Ieodo. We need active measures coup with China's nationalism Which evolves into a much more bold and assertive.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.43-68
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• 2022

Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권4호
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• pp.234-248
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• 2014

A telephone survey was conducted in a metropolitan city in 2012 to examine people's credibility ratings of different media outlets, in particular, Weibo - one of the most popular social media platforms in China. Our findings suggest: First, people place more trust in traditional news media than in online sources by a significant margin. Second, demographic influences on media trust seem to be minimal. Only age and gender were related to some credibility measures. Third, Weibo use was not related to one's credibility perception toward traditional media but interestingly, Weibo use showed different impacts on people's evaluation of Weibo's credibility. Commenting frequency was negatively related to one's trust in Weibo, while retweeting frequency was positively related to one's trust in Weibo.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권4호
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• pp.292-306
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• 2014

China's "two sessions," namely, the National People's Congress (NPC) and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), has significant meaning to the political life of the nation. It collects opinions and advice from different groups of people annually. "Two sessions" 2013 was especially eye-catching, because new state leaders were elected at the meetings. Using CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) system, the Media and Public Opinion Center of Fudan University (FMORC) conducted surveys of China's "two sessions" every year from 2007 to 2013. In 2013, the influence of new media on public opinion has become increasingly significant. Microblog and WeChat have become two types of important media for Shanghai residents to express their opinions and take part in China's "two sessions." Based on the empirical findings, this paper examines Shanghai Residents' cognition, attitudes and expressions towards "two sessions" 2013 and analyzes how new media affect the public opinions on significant political events.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.181-195
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• 2004

The purpose of the study was to explore the degree of children's access to media and the relationship between the use of media and language development of Korean-Chinese bilingual children in Yanji, China. Questionnaires were answered by 258 4th graders and their parents. The results showed that the children had an access to a variety of media. The children's use of language(Korean/ Chinese) differed to the type of media： they had more access to Korean language in the use of newspapers/magazines, books, and radio, and to Chinese language in the use of computer. They had comparatively a balanced access to Korean/chinese language in the use of TV. Stepwise regression analyses revealed that the children's access to Chinese language in the use of media, proficiency of a parent's Chinese language, and a parent's affection were related to proficiency of the children's Chinese language. Implications are derived from the use of media in development of bilingualism.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.1-8
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• 2023

International public opinion on King Sejong Institute (KSI) is one of the most important factors influencing its overseas development as a worldwide non-profit educational service organization. China is one of the overseas strategic regions for KSI to spread the Korean Language. This paper intends to assess KSI's current public opinion environment in China. With content analysis of 87 news reports related to KSI in WeChat Official Accounts from 2014 to 2022, this paper attempts to assess the public opinion environment of KSI in China. In this paper, we show that the Chinese media' s current attention to KSI is generally lacking. The current reports focus more on activity narrations, and the main report factors come from local media and universities' oncampus news, which have relatively weak dissemination power and limited influences. On one side, the reasons are related to the characteristics of Chinese media, while the KSI establishment method in China also accounts for a lot. Therefore, it is necessary for the KSI to timely adjust the cooperation mode and publicity strategies according to the Chinese political and cultural characteristics to promote the sustainable development of KSI in China by continuously improving the public opinion environment.

• 한국게임학회 논문지
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.69-78
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• 2011

중국의 온라인게임 산업은 2010년까지 10여 년이라는 길을 걸어왔다. China joy전시행사는 중국 온라인게임의 발전과정의 수요에 따라 게임발전을 위해 만들어졌고 2004년부터 China joy는 7년 동안 8번(2004년 2번 조직)이라는 개최 과정을 거쳐 아세아에서 제일 큰 게임엑스포로 성장하였고 중국 온라인게임업계의 기준을 상징하는 축제로 자리매김을 하게 되었다. 본문은 발전하고 있는 china joy를 세계적인 E3, TGS와 비교 분석하면서 중국 온라인게임 산업의 국제적 위치와 직면하게 될 문제점을 6가지 요소로부터 분석해본다. 1) 참여한 인원 수 2) 외국인의 참여인원 수 3)게임엑스포의 또 다른 매력: 기업 참여수와 기업종류 다양성 4) 참여 기업의 다소와 상품 품질 5) 게임엑스포의 콘셉트 6) China joy 세계적 영향력이다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2019

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.

• 한국게임학회 논문지
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.129-136
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• 2017

최근 들어 한국의 영상산업은 급속히 발전해왔으며 성장속도와 추세가 가장 강한 산업으로 부상 되고 있다. 한국영상산업의 성장은 정치, 경제에도 유리하게 촉진한다. 중국이 지리적으로 한국과 가까운 나라로서 한국의 영상산업의 급성장을 보고 많은 소중한 경험을 배울 수 있을 것이라고 생각한다. 이 논문은 한국의 영상산업 급성장의 원인에 대한 분석을 통하여 중국의 영상산업에 대해 살펴보고 중국의 영상산업 발전에 유용한 의견과 제안을 연구해 보았다.