• Title/Summary/Keyword: China's Threat

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An Offensive Change of Japan's Defense Strategy and Strategic Implication to the South Korea Navy: Focusing on the Japan's Amphibious Rapid Deployment Brigade Creation (일본 방위전략의 공세적 변화가 한국 해군에 주는 전략적 함의 - 일본 '수륙기동단(水陸機動團)' 창설에 대한 분석을 중심으로 -)

  • Jung, Gwang-Ho
    • Strategy21
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    • s.42
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    • pp.83-113
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    • 2017
  • After defeat in World War II, Japan's Peace Constitution committed the country to forego the acquisition of offensive military capabilities. However, in the midst of the post-cold war period, Japan began to change its security posture in line with the so-called 'normal state theory', which called for a more robust defense posture and expanded security activities. The second Abe administration promoted these security policies by issuing a National Security Strategy as well as a new National Defense Program Outline(NDPO) in 2013 and by establishing new security institutions such as the National Security Council. The Abe administration also adopted the new concept of a 'Unified Mobile Defense Force' in the 2013 which replaced the 'Dynamic Defense Force' as a new criteria for the Self-Defense Force's acquisition of military capabilities. In this new concept of military capabilities, the Ground Self-Defense Force is planning to replace existing divisions with mobile divisions and to form 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' for the first time in 2018, which has long been taboo in Japan. Japan has experience a Marine Corps in the past. Likewise, an offensive changes in the military strategy can change the spectrum of strategy and 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' plays a big role in this. Furthermore, Japan is increasing the Coast Guard's budget and capabilities in preparation for contingencies around the Senkaku islands (called the Diaoyu in Chinese). The South Korea navy should utilize Japan's changing security posture to deter immediate threat such as North Korea's military provocations and potential enemy threat such as China, Japan, Russia.

A comparative study of Sargassum horneri Korea and China strains collected along the coast of Jeju Island South Korea: its components and bioactive properties

  • Kim, Hyun-Soo;Sanjeewa, K.K. Asanka;Fernando, I.P. Shanura;Ryu, BoMi;Yang, Hey-Won;Ahn, Ginnae;Kang, Min Cheol;Heo, Soo-Jin;Je, Jun-Geon;Jeon, You-Jin
    • ALGAE
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    • v.33 no.4
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    • pp.341-349
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    • 2018
  • Sargassum horneri is edible brown seaweed abundant along the coasts of Jeju Island, South Korea. In addition to the native S. horneri population, a large amount of S. horneri has been found to invade Jeju Island from the east coast of China. Thus, S. horneri of both Korea (SK) and China (SC) strains now inhabits along with the shore of Jeju Island and have become a threat to the coastal biodiversity. However, they could be used in obtaining functional ingredients for industrial level applications provided an optimized cost effective strategy. In the present study, we compared SK and SC strains for the extraction efficiency, components, antioxidant, and anti-inflammatory properties of 80% methanolic extracts and their partially purified fractions. According to the results, two strains indicated similar bioactive properties such as DPPH and alkyl radical scavenging activity as well as anti-inflammatory activities on lipopolysaccharide-stimulated RAW 264.7 cells. The yield of 80% methanol extract from SC was higher than SK. However, the yields of the ethyl acetate and chloroform fractions from SK were higher than those of SC strain. The major peaks in the high-performance liquid chromatography chromatograms, which was identified as Apo-9 fucoxanthinone, indicated that both methanolic extracts of SK and SC contains major target peaks but with different amounts. This study might be useful for developing functional materials from SC and SK in future.

US, China and the Russo-Ukraine War: The Conditions for Generating a Mutually Perceived Hurting Stalemate and Consequent Ceasefire In Moscow and Kyiv

  • Benedict E. DeDominicis
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.177-192
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    • 2023
  • A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

Identification and Molecular Analysis of Ixodid Ticks (Acari: Ixodidae) Infesting Domestic Animals and Tick-Borne Pathogens at the Tarim Basin of Southern Xinjiang, China

  • Zhao, Li;Lv, Jizhou;Li, Fei;Li, Kairui;He, Bo;Zhang, Luyao;Han, Xueqing;Wang, Huiyu;Johnson, Nicholas;Lin, Xiangmei;Wu, Shaoqiang;Liu, Yonghong
    • Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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    • v.58 no.1
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    • pp.37-46
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    • 2020
  • Livestock husbandry is vital to economy of the Tarim Basin, Xinjiang Autonomous Region, China. However, there have been few surveys of the distribution of ixodid ticks (Acari: Ixodidae) and tick-borne pathogens affecting domestic animals at these locations. In this study, 3,916 adult ixodid ticks infesting domestic animals were collected from 23 sampling sites during 2012-2016. Ticks were identified to species based on morphology, and the identification was confirmed based on mitochondrial 16S and 12S rRNA sequences. Ten tick species belonging to 4 genera were identified, including Rhipicephalus turanicus, Hyalomma anatolicum, Rh. bursa, H. asiaticum asiaticum, and Rh. sanguineus. DNA sequences of Rickettsia spp. (spotted fever group) and Anaplasma spp. were detected in these ticks. Phylogenetic analyses revealed possible existence of undescribed Babesia spp. and Borrelia spp. This study illustrates potential threat to domestic animals and humans from tick-borne pathogens.

Review for the Enactment of Anti-Terrorism Law in China: Comparing it to those in the USA, Britain and Germany (중국의 반(反)테러리즘법 제정을 위한 검토: 미국.영국.독일과 비교하여)

  • Lee, Dae Sung;Ahn, Young Kyu
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.6_1
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    • pp.45-55
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    • 2014
  • China has vast land, variety of people, religions and cultures. China has faced terrorism threat from the struggles of people, religions and resources. The 11thStanding Committee of the National People's Congress of China decided to strengthen the anti-terrorism action on October 29, 2011. This study compared, analyzed and estimated the counter-terrorism laws of the USA, Britain and Germany thinking about the China's anti-terrorism decision. The counter-terrorism laws of the USA, Britain and Germany are largely composed of previous prevention of terror and oppression of it later. They enacted the laws both for people and property. They also rearranged the power and role of governmental institutes on counter-terrorism. The contents of the counter-terrorism laws are specific, detailed and systematic. But the anti-terrorism law of China has restriction on the power and roles for previous prevention and oppression of terrorism, handling of people and property. This study reviewed the foreign countries' counter-terrorism laws and the way to connect the regulations on terrorism crimes of the revised Chinese criminal law and the anti-terrorism decision, when they enact the anti-terrorism laws in China in the future.

Digital Design Process of Marine Leisure Boat Using Human Sensibility Evaluation (해양 레저선박의 디지털 감성 디자인 프로세스)

  • Choi, Chool-Heon;Jang, Phil-Sik;Seo, Moon-Seog
    • Journal of the Ergonomics Society of Korea
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.693-699
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    • 2010
  • Korea has been took the top ranking in the global shipbuilding industry in terms of new orders, order backlogs and the volume of vessels for several years. However, the domestic small- and medium-scale shipbuilders currently face imminent threat from China and new challenge to focus on development of high value-added ships. So far, the marine leisure industry of Korea has been showed weak global competitiveness and there were few attempts to design and develop leisure boats and yachts. We describe the digital design process of leisure boat exterior that could reflect user's sensibilities and feelings of entire forms of the products. This design process contains stepwise sensibility evaluation via web and provides designers with various and fast feedbacks about their design outputs in each design stage.

The Economic Cooperation Potential of East Asia's RCEP Agreement

  • Armstrong, Shiro;Drysdale, Peter
    • East Asian Economic Review
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.3-25
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    • 2022
  • East Asia's Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) came into force in 2022 as the world's largest free trade agreement. RCEP was concluded, signed and brought into force in the face of major international uncertainty and is a significant boost to the global trading system. RCEP brings Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand into the same agreement with the ten member ASEAN group at its centre. It keeps markets open and updates trade and investment rules in East Asia, a major centre of global economic activity, at a time of rising protectionism when the WTO itself is under threat. The agreement builds on ASEAN's free trade agreements and strengthens ASEAN centrality. One of the pillars of RCEP is an economic cooperation agenda which has its antecedents in ASEAN's approach to bringing along its least developed members and builds on the experience of capacity building in APEC and technical cooperation under the ASEAN Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. There is an opportunity to create a framework that facilitates deeper economic cooperation that involves experience-sharing, extending RCEP's rules and membership at the same time as strengthening political cooperation. The paper suggests some areas that might be best suited to cooperation - that is confidence and trust building instead of or before negotiation - and discusses how non-members may be engaged and the membership expanded. Options such as multilateralising provisions and becoming a platform for policy convergence and coordinating unilateral reforms are canvassed.

China's Diplomatic Challenges and Prospect in the Xi Jinping Era (시진핑 시대 중국의 외교적 과제와 전망)

  • Cho, Young Nam
    • Strategy21
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    • s.33
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    • pp.5-36
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    • 2014
  • This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

Nuclear-First Politics of Kim Jung Un Regime and South Korea's Deterrence Strategy (김정은 정권의 선핵(先核) 정치와 한국의 억제전략)

  • Kim, Tae Woo
    • Strategy21
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    • s.39
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2016
  • North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

Epidemiological investigation and phylogenetic analysis of Classical Swine Fever virus in Yunnan province from 2015 to 2021

  • Yao, Jun;Su, Linlin;Wang, Qiaoping;Gao, Lin;Xie, Jiarui;He, Yuwen;Shu, Xianghua;Song, Chunlian;Chai, Jun;Zhang, Yifang;Yang, Shibiao
    • Journal of Veterinary Science
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    • v.23 no.4
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    • pp.57.1-57.9
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    • 2022
  • Background: Classical swine fever virus (CSFV), the causative agent of classical swine fever (CFS), is a highly contagious disease that poses a serious threat to Chinese pig populations. Objectives: Many provinces of China, such as Shandong, Henan, Hebei, Heilongjiang, and Liaoning provinces, have reported epidemics of CSFV, while the references to the epidemic of CSFV in Yunnan province are rare. This study examined the epidemic characteristics of the CSFV in Yunnan province. Methods: In this study, 326 tissue samples were collected from different regions in Yunnan province from 2015 to 2021. A reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR), sequences analysis, and phylogenetic analysis were performed for the pathogenic detection and analysis of these 326 clinical specimens. Results: Approximately 3.37% (11/326) of specimens tested positive for the CSFV by RT-PCR, which is lower than that of other regions of China. Sequence analysis of the partial E2 sequences of eleven CSFV strains showed that they shared 89.0-100.0% nucleotide (nt) and 95.0-100.0% amino acid (aa) homology, respectively. Phylogenetic analysis showed that these novel isolates belonged to the subgenotypes 2.1c and 2.1d, with subgenotype 2.1c being predominant. Conclusions: The CSFV was sporadic in China's Yunnan province from 2015 to 2021. Both 2.1c and 2.1d subgenotypes were found in this region, but 2.1c was dominant.