• 제목/요약/키워드: Bronze

검색결과 564건 처리시간 0.021초

해남 흑천리 마등 4호 토광묘 출토 화천의 보존처리와 고고학적 분석 (Conservation and Archaeological Analysis of Huo Quan Coins Excavated from Tomb No. 4 at the Madeung Archeological Site in Heukcheon-ri, Haenam)

  • 김미도리;조연태;이양수
    • 박물관보존과학
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    • 제24권
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    • pp.37-54
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    • 2020
  • 본 연구에서는 해남 흑천리 마등 4호 토광묘에서 출토된 청동주화 화천(貨泉)을 보존처리하고 과학적으로 조사한 결과를 고고학적으로 해석하였다.'화천'은 중국 왕망대(王莽代)에 만들어진 동전으로 우리나라의 삼한시대에 사용되었던 화폐이다. 해남 흑천리 마등 유적에서는 조사결과 총 13점이 중첩되어 출토되었는데, 크게 세 묶음으로 구분된다. 이중 B 묶음의 한 점만 육안으로 화천이라는 글자가 확인되며, 나머지는 전혀 글자가 확인되지 않는다. 보존처리 방법은 우선 동전 표면 위에 고착된 이물질을 제거하고 취약한 재질을 강화한 후 접합하였다. 다음으로 동전의 정확한 개수와 표면 상태를 확인하기 위해 Nano CT 촬영을 실시하였다. 이를 통해 13점 중 12점에 화천이라는 명문이 있는 것을 확인하였다. 이번 흑천리 출토품 외에 광주 복룡동 무덤에서 다량의 화천이 출토되는 사례로 보아 당시 이 지역에서 화폐경제가 이루어졌을 가능성에 대한 검토가 필요하다.

국보 제229호 창경궁 자격루 누기 표면에 고착된 오염물 제거 방법 연구 (Removing Contaminants from the Surface of Jagyeongnu of Changgyeonggung Palace, National Treasure No. 229)

  • 유하림;조하늬;이재성;유지아;박영환;유동완
    • 보존과학회지
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    • 제37권2호
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    • pp.101-119
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    • 2021
  • 국보 제229호 창경궁 자격루 누기는 조선시대 과학기술의 정점을 보여주는 과학 문화재로서, 현재는 대·중·소 파수호(播水壺)와 수수호(受水壺)만 남아있다. 2018년부터 약 2년 여간 이루어진 자격루 누기의 전면적인 보존처리 과정에서, 표면에 발생한 오염물을 동정하고 이를 제거하기 위한 실험을 실시하였다. 표면 오염물은 이전 보존처리와 조사 과정에서 사용된 스쿠알란(squalane)과 실리콘 오일(silicone oil)이 환경 요인에 노출되어 발생한 오염물로 확인되었다. 이에 따라 우선적으로 고려할 사항을 설정하여 실험을 진행하였으며, 이를 통해 오염물을 효과적으로 제거할 수 있는 방법을 알아보았다. 우선 유기용제와 습포제를 이용한 실험에서는 톨루엔과 벤토나이트를 적용했을 때 가장 큰 색차 변화폭(𝚫E)을 나타내는 등 뛰어난 반응성이 확인되었다. 그러나 이에 수반되는 유기용제의 유해성과 습포제로 인한 2차 오염 발생 가능성 또한 확인할 수 있었다. 한편 보존처리자의 안전과 작업 환경 및 작업 용이성을 우선적으로 고려한 실험에서는 유기용제에 비해 반응성이 미비하고 비교적 많은 시간과 인력이 요구되었으나, 회차가 거듭될수록 색차 변화폭(𝚫E)의 정도가 유기용제 실험 결과와 동일한 범주 내까지 도달하는 것을 확인하였다. 특히 계면활성제를 활용한 방법이 오염물 제거에 가장 효과적인 것으로 확인되었다.

창녕 교동과 송현동 고분군 출토 마구류(馬具類)의 조성 및 원료 산지 추정 (Compositions and Provenience Studies on Horse Armour Excavated from Changnyeong Gyo-dong and Songhyeon-dong Tumuli)

  • 한우림;박지연;김소진
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제54권1호
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    • pp.4-17
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구는 창녕 교동과 송현동 고분 15호분에서 출토된 마구류인 입주부운주와 행엽 18건 19점을 분석하였다. 입주부운주와 행엽은 마구 장신구로 실용성보다는 신분 과시의 목적으로 사용되었는데 가야문화권 내 모든 고분에서 출토되고 있으므로 각 문화권 제작 기법 및 원료 산지를 비교할 수 있는 유물로 생각된다. 본 연구에서는 입주부운주와 행엽의 부위에 따른 제작 기법 및 원료 산지를 확인하여 5~6세기로 추정되는 비화가야의 금제 유물 제작 기술에 대해 연구하고자 하였다. 연구 결과 입주부운주는 순구리로 제작되었으며, 표면에 금(Au)·은(Ag)·수은(Hg) 등이 함께 검출되어 수은 아말감법으로 도금하였음이 확인된다. 어린문, 편원어미형 행엽의 분석 결과 바탕층(철)-중간층(구리)-도금층(금·은)이 확인되며, 구리(Cu)와 표면 금(Au)·은(Ag) 도금층은 수은 아말감법으로 도금한 철지금동판장 기법으로 확인된다. 심엽형 행엽은 바탕 금속에서는 철(Fe), 표면층에서는 은(Ag)이 주성분으로 검출되는 것으로 보아 철지은장 기법으로 제작되었으며, 바탕 금속과 도금층은 원두정을 이용해 고정한 것으로 판단된다. 창녕에서 출토된 마구류 19점의 원료 산지는 한반도 납동위원소비 분포도와 마부치히사오(馬淵久夫), 중국 납동위원소비 데이터를 통해 확인한 결과 보요(2점) 및 어린문 행엽(1점)은 한반도 남부 태백산분지의 구리 광석을 사용하였으며, 나머지 16점은 중국의 구리 광석을 원료로 사용한 것으로 추정된다.

석촌동 고분군 출토 금제이식의 제작기법 연구 및 보존처리 (Study on the Production Methods and Conservation Treatment of the Gold Earrings Excavated from the Ancient Tombs in Seokchon-dong in Seoul)

  • 김예승;정세리;이다혜;장민경;김나은;양석진
    • 박물관보존과학
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    • 제26권
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    • pp.143-160
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    • 2021
  • 한성백제박물관에서는 백제 한성기 대표적인 왕실과 중앙세력의 분묘군으로 알려진 사적 제243호 석촌동 고분군의 학술 발굴조사를 실시하고 있으며, 그 과정에서 출토된 금제이식의 과학적 분석 및 보존처리를 실시하였다. 분석은 실체현미경 관찰, SEM, X-선 촬영, CT, XRF 분석을 실시하였고, 이를 통해 유물 특성, 내부 구조와 성분 등을 확인하고 제작 기법을 알아보고자 하였다. 연구결과, 금동이식의 주환은 동심재에 수은 아말감 금도금하였고, 중간식의 육면체는 금 분말을 용융시켜 소환을 이어 붙였으며 수하식 구체는 반구체 두 개를 땜하여 붙인 것을 확인하였다. 세환이식 2건은 표면 성분이 서로 유사하지만 동심재에 금판을 감싸 제작한 것과 금봉을 구부려 제작한 것으로 제작기법에 차이가 있음을 밝혔다. 금 함량은 유물에 따라, 측정 위치에 따라 다르지만 약 19~21K로 비교적 높은 금 함량을 보이며 정교한 공예기술로 만들어진 이식이라는 점에서 피장자의 우월적 지위와 석촌동 고분군의 위상을 판단할 수 있는 자료가 될 것으로 보인다.

화성 향남 요리 출토 심발형 토기 수습과 보존처리 (On-site Conservation Treatment of the Beaker-shaped Pottery from Yori, Hyangnam, Hwaseong)

  • 권오영;함철희;이선명
    • 보존과학회지
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    • 제36권6호
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    • pp.494-504
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    • 2020
  • 한국토지주택공사 경기지역본부에서 시행 중인 화성 향남 2지구 동서간선도로 건설 부지 내에서 총 10개소(A~J) 유적지가 확인되었다. 화성 요리 고분군 유적은 H지점에 해당하는 곳으로 조사 결과, 다양한 삼국시대 고분군이 확인되었고 그중 목곽묘에서 금동식리와 금동관모 등이 출토되었다. 본 연구 대상 토기는 목곽묘에서 출토된 유일한 토제 유물로 태토는 연질이며, 적갈색의 느슨한 기질에 1 mm 미만의 석영, 장석이 비짐으로 첨가되었다. 토기의 소성 온도는 운모류가 소멸되지 않고 석영의 상전이 광물인 트리디마이트(tridimite)가 생성되지 않았으며, 800℃에서 견운모의 탈수 작용에 의한 흡열피크가 미약하게 확인되는 점으로 보아 800~870℃로 추정된다. 토기는 유적 위로 지층이 형성되면서 발생된 토압, 동결과 융해의 반복 등 여러 원인에 의해 매우 약화된 상태였다. 토기만 단독으로 수습하기 불가능한 상황이었으므로 토기를 고정하고 있던 주변 토양을 같이 수습하고 보존처리실로 이동하여 체계적으로 안전하게 보존처리하였다.

청주 사뇌사 유물 퇴장(退藏) 시기에 대한 검토 (A Review of the Time Cheongju Sanesa Buddhist Temple Relics Were Hoarded)

  • 윤용혁
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제57권1호
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    • pp.22-36
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    • 2024
  • 30년 전인 1993년에 발견된 청주 사뇌사 유물은 유물의 양이 방대하고, 고려 청동 기물의 우수성을 보여주는 것인데, 특히 제작 시기에 대한 여러 정보를 담고 있는 자료라는 점에서 중요하다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이 유물의 퇴장 시기에 대해서는 13세기 중반, 13세기 말, 14세기 초 등 여러 견해가 엇갈린 상태에서 견해가 정리되어 있지 않다. 본고는 논란이 많은 청주 사뇌사 유물의 퇴장 시기를 원(元) 카단(哈丹)의 고려 침입이 진행중이었던 1291년 4월의 일로 추정하였다. 카단 군은 고려에 침입하여 1291년 1월에 양평과 원주, 4월 충주를 거쳤으며, 5월 1일 연기현에 출현하였다. 본고에서는 충주에서 연기현(세종시)에 이르는 중도에 이들이 청주를 거치게 되었다는 점을 기록을 통하여 확인하였고, 이것이 바로 사뇌사의 폐사 또는 유물의 퇴장 배경이 된다는 점을 지적하였다. 사뇌사 유물의 퇴장 시점을 카단 침입이 진행중이던 1291년으로 설정하게 되면, 그동안 논란이 많았던 무오년, 경신년, 기유년 등 간지(干支)가 적힌 유물의 연대를 합리적으로 정리할 수 있게 된다. 즉 기유년 금고(金鼓) 1249년, 무오년 향로 1258년, 경신년 향완 1260년 등이 그것이다.

고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전 (Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming)

  • 주채혁
    • 한국초지조사료학회지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

서울시 도시공원의 장소적 재현 - 기념성, 상징성, 장소기억을 중심으로 - (Urban Parks in Seoul as Place Representation - Focusing on Monumentality, Symbolism & Place Memory -)

  • 한소영;조경진
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제38권2호
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    • pp.37-52
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    • 2010
  • 본 연구는 근대에 조성되기 시작한 서울의 도시공원의 조성과 관련한 제 전반의 사항들이 어떤 흐름으로 변화해왔는지를 고찰하기 위함을 주요 목적에 두고 시작하였다. 이를 위해 개방 이후 조성된 서울의 대부분 공원들이 다양한 형태의 기념성, 상징성을 내포하고 있거나 혹은 장소 자체 기억을 재현할 것이라는 가설을 전제하고 연구를 착수하였다. 공원 내 상징성, 기념성, 장소기억의 물리적 혹은 비 물리적 요소들의 재현양상을 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 공원 내 기념성 및 상징성이 물리적인 형태로 나타나는 경우 기념비, 동상 등의 형태를 띠는 경우가 많이 있으며, 이는 공원의 조성 목적이 기념공원에 부합하는 경우 좀 더 적극적인 형태로 기념비적 요소들이 많이 사용되었다. 그 이외의 경우는 공원 전체의 개념과는 관계없이 국가에서 임의로 지정한 상징성을 띠는 조각물이나 동상들이 많이 사용되었다. 장소기억의 경우, 과거에는 기념성이나 상징성 구현 방법과 같이 동상이나 일부 건조물 등으로 표현되는 경우가 많았으나, 최근에는 일정 시기 장소기억을 공원 전체에 조화시키는 양상을 띠기 시작한다. 둘째, 비 물리적 재현요소들의 경우 공원 명칭에서 기념성 및 상징성을 드러내는 경우가 많다. 최근에 들어서는 명칭에서 직접적으로 드러내는 경우는 많이 약화되었다고 볼 수 있으나. 공원의 부분 장소 명칭에서 장소기억과 관련하여 지어지는 경우가 많아졌다. 공원 내에서 벌어지는 이벤트의 경우, 탑골공원 등 개방 초기 조성된 공원들에서 일부 당시의 시대 상황을 기념하기 위해 설정된 경우 등이 있었다. 장소기억이 강조되어 최근 조성된 공원들의 경우 이와 관련하기 보다는 다양한 형태로 시민참여를 유도하는 것을 가장 큰 목적에 두고 설정되는 경우가 많다.

구약성서(舊約聖書)에 나타난 히브리인의 복식(服飾) - 두식(頭飾), 신발 및 장신구(裝身具) 중심(中心)으로 - ("A Study on Hebrews Clothing in the Old Testament" - Especially on Hair Styles, Headgears, Footwear and Personal Ornaments -)

  • 박찬부
    • 복식
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.63-80
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    • 1986
  • The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.

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왕흥사 목탑의 복원 연구 (A Study on the Restoration of the Wangheungsa Temple's Wooden Pagoda)

  • 김경표;성상모
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제19권3호
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    • pp.7-29
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    • 2010
  • The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.