• Journal of the Speleological Society of Korea
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• no.95
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• pp.35-49
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• 2009

Ever since the beginning of time, caves not only have offered a place to live for humans but they have also been used as cultural spaces. That is, in the event of making some sounds in a location within the cave, the sound that is created is greatly magnified and sounds out as if it is being amplified from a giant megaphone. This, as we well know it, is known as the resonance effect. Here, the cave itself appears to function as a massive wind instrument. Especially in cases like the Altamira Cave (Spain) where cave paintings were found, the point where the cave drawings were found has commonalities in that it is a wide space and that it is usually discovered together with flutes and drums that are made with mammoth bones. We need to focus on this point. We can infer from these facts that the prehistoric people have carried out cultural activities along with their incantation rituals within those caves. In the meantime, amongst the Korean traditional arts, in the case of pansori which is a representative vocal genre, there have been examples where caves were used as practicing locations for those people who are training to perfect their singing. This is known as toguldoggong(土窟獨功) which literally means 'obtaining one's own art by oneself in the earth cave by practicing incessantly'. This process along with pokpodoggong (瀑布獨功) (same as above except that the location is by the waterfall) is the final training stage in order to become a recognized virtuoso on the part of the apprentice. This could be compared to the final annealing and finishing process of producing a metalwork. This has been a long tradition followed by most Korean traditional artists in order to perfect their sound which is harmonious with nature within natural surroundings. By honing in on this point, I have come to think about this matter repeatedly while coaching the university students in vocal singing. In short, I came to the conclusion that "the making of natural sounds will be obtained naturally within natural surroundings like caves!" Consequently, The Society for Studying Cave Sounds was inaugurated on January 1992 along with some of my students. We made use of times like vacations to go around exploring caves all over Jeju and carried out investigations of sounds along with cave exploration on an experimental basis. After 5 years, in September of 1997, we were able to host the first ever cave concert domestically at the Whale Nostril Cave(東岸鯨窟) on Wu-do. After that, we have been hosting the cave concert once every year. We have achieved a record of a total of 14 cave concerts until 2009 of this year. Out of these, 2 were held in Seokhwaeam Cave in Kangwon Province, another two were held in Manjang Cave which is a lava cave, and the remaining 10 were held in the Whale Nostril Cave of Wu-do. Along with that, I have carried out a special recording for the production of a cave music CD in May of 1999. This paper was written and organized by using the main materials that were derived from the experiences of using caves as concert halls in the past. It is hoped that this cave concert will offer a very unique experience to tourists who come to Jeju every year and give them the best possible superior natural sound effect that only Jeju caves can offer.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.10-24
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• 2017

The research takes note of the formation process and settling period of Gwandong-Palkyung(關東八景, Eight Sites of Eastern Korea), the representative palgyeong(prominent eight sites) and jipgyeong(集景, landscape collection of scenic beauty), and investigates the time of formation regarding the palkyung and jipgeyong of Gwandong's scenic beauty through the analysis and interpretation of bibliographic data, and reference data. The result of the study is as follows. As the first document that records the terminology of "Gwandong-Palkyung" is "Daphongeunggil(答洪應吉)" of Yi, Hwang(李滉), Gwandong-Palkyung is inferred to be settled within the recognition of the people even before the 16th century. The geographic analysis result including "Sinjeung Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)", Gwandong-Palkyung expanded as Gwandong-Sipkyung in early to middle of the 16th century. The first confirmed landscape collection regarding Gwandong-Palkyung in this study is confirmed in Shin Zup(申楫)'s "Yeonggwandong-Palkyung(詠關東八景)", thus, the terminology of Gwandong-Palkyung existed before 16th century at the latest. The settlement time of current "Palkyung" collection is estimated to be early 17th century at the latest. Poetries regarding Gwandong-Palkyung, and the frequency on the appearance of Gwandong scenic beauties are analyzed as making clear of the concentrated phenomenon on the sceneries of Gwandong-Palkyung. On the other hand, the collection of Gwandong-Palkyung in the domain of arts is confirmed initially in the ${\ll}$Gwandongpalkyungdobyeong(關東八景圖屛)${\gg}$ of Heo, Pil(許泌). Gwandong-Palkyung, expressed as the actual scene landscape painting shows similar tendencies of the conditions in the jipgyeong from the poetry, but the appearance rate of the painting subject was more prominent in visual solidarity and cohesion due to the reflection of the importance on icon(圖像) of the art works produced with particular meaning in the case of fixed ideal system. From late Joseon to modern times, ${\ll}$palpokbyeongpung(八幅屛風)${\gg}$ of various forms of folk painting is a corroborative evidence notifying that the cultural phenomenon of Gwandong-Palkyung has entered the universal period of embrace. Also, the 13 scenic beauties of Gangwon-Do appearing in the games of Namseungdo and Myeongseungyuramdo include Gwandong-Palkyung, which confirms the settlement of Gwandog-Palkyung even within the culture of games in late Joseon. Such results demonstrate the existence of awareness regarding Gwandong-Palkyung from the first half of the 15th century, which is presumed to have completely settled in the 17th century through the continuous development of formative process in the 16th century. Ultimately, Gwandong-Palkyung is the concrete formation of regional scenic beauties that individually gained its reputations as scenery from the Koryo Dynasty to late 17th century. Gwandong-Palkyung of the scenic beauty of Gwandong is a unique cultural scenery of the region that have germinated and formed through the process of cutting and polishing of long time to collect the best eight of scenic beauty from the many participation of sightseeing culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.102-123
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• 2013

This paper is a study about the Gang Sehwang's (姜世晃 1713~1791) Ink Orchid Painting. Gang Sehwang is a representative literati gentleman who painted Four Gentlemen, for the first time, during the late Joseon Dynasty. There are 20 pieces of Ink Orchid Painting of his in Korea. His recognition of the Ink Orchid Painting can be understood through his records and analysis of his Ink Orchid Painting. He considered the sketch from the nature (寫生), practice of old paintings (古畵), and copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜). Particularly, Gang Sehwang focused on the copy-training of old paintings (古畵臨倣) which integrates the will and spirit of old literati gentlemen. This means that he had recognized the picture as a means of 'literature carrying morality (載道). Also, we could read self-discipline (修己的) values from his continuative copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜臨倣). Next, his Ink Orchid Painting were divided into the first half of the term (his 30s to 40s) and the second half of the term (his 60s to 78 years old). He had polished up on the Jieziyuanhuazhan ("芥子園畵傳") during the first half of the term and on the Shizhuzhaishuhuapu ("十竹齋書畵譜") or the Maejuknanguksabo ("梅竹蘭菊四譜") during the second half of the term. Therefore, it could be understood that he had depended on the manual of paintings (畵譜) for a long time. Nevertheless, he had completed the elegant and graceful Pyeoam Orchid (豹菴蘭)' based on his skill of the manual of paintings (畵譜) in his 70s. Finally, the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting and painters who lived (worked) at that time were investigated. He made?? the Albums of Calligraphy and Painting (書畵合壁帖) with Shim Sajeong (沈師正) and Choi Buk (崔北). They also interacted with each other by Calligraphy and Painting (書畵). Also, Yi Insang (李麟祥) and Im Heeji (林熙之) contributed to the diversification of the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting style by imitating Ink Orchid Painting with the manual of paintings (畵譜). Moreover, it is meaningful that the Ink Orchid Painting of Gang Se-hwang and the18th century Ink Orchid painters influenced the foundation of the 19th century Ink Orchid Painting fashion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.126-149
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• 2021

The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.78-103
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• 2020

Transcribed Buddhist sutras generally consist of a frontispiece illustration, sutra illustrations, and sutra text, although some parts may be lost over time. Most transcribed sutras originally include an official record of the transcription (saseonggi) at either the beginning or end of the volume, which document various details of the production, including who commissioned the sutra and when it was transcribed. If such records are unavailable or difficult to decipher, the date of the sutra can only be estimated by comparison to other works with known production dates. This is the case with Korean Treasure #978, the "Transcription of the Avatamsaka Sutra (Zhou Version) in Gold on White Paper" (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29"), which does not contain any details of its production. Based on formal comparisons, the volume has been estimated to date from the early Joseon period. Important criteria for estimating the production date include the type of calligraphy script and the overall expression of the sutra illustrations. However, these features are missing from some early Joseon sutras, making it difficult to definitively assert which characteristics are representative of the period. Also, transcribed sutras from the late Goryeo period (after 1350) and early Joseon period are often very similar in terms of the expression of the frontispiece illustrations and sutra illustrations. From the late Goryeo period through the early Joseon period, the illustrations of transcribed sutras, which had previously been relatively detailed and realistic, gradually became more formalized and stylized. Significantly, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 includes illustrations showing both styles of expression (i.e., realistic and formalized). Moreover, the hemp leaf design on the frontispiece and the border around the sutra illustrations are unique features that have never been seen on any other transcribed sutras. Notably, however, Avatamsaka Sutra in Gold on White Paper, Volume 26 (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26"), which has not yet been introduced in academic research, is complete with frontispiece, sutra illustrations, and sutra text. This sutra is identical to Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 in size, composition, and details, and is thus estimated to have been produced at the same time and by the same patrons. According to the record at the end of the volume, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 was commissioned in 1348 by Gi Cheol (d. 1365), which corresponds to the estimated date of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 derived by formal comparison. Based on this new information, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 was likely produced in the late Goryeo period rather than the early Joseon period, as has previously been presumed. The new study of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 also seems to confirm that both sutras were transcribed by highly skilled artisans in 1348 of the late Goryeo period, a transitional phase in the expression of sutra illustrations.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.331-362
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• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.