• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.303-328
• /
• 2013

The purpose of the present article is to understand moral instruction through Ethics written by Spinoza and enable the implications drawn from its understanding to give shape to lesson plans. In his representative book titled Ethics, Spinoza speculates ultimate substance from the metaphysical perspective and converges it into ethics. The ultimate substance, which is a cause of itself, refers to immanent cause of all things that have numerous attributes as essence. All things in nature develop the substance and exchange influence among individuals at the same time. A human in the influential relationship perceives things based on one's beneficialness and assigns moral words of good and evil. However, a human, who is a mode of substance, should escape from morals that are superficial, relative, and objective, in order to realize nature. Becoming a more complete human requires going through moral imagination in reality but going beyond the imagination ultimately. Moral instruction premises the moral imagination of a student who exists as a mode; meanwhile, it is a study to escape from the influence of moral imagination. Good and evil arise from the limitation that an existing human has, but if a life is to preserve the necessity of ultimate substance, moral instruction can be defined as the processes of alleviating the influence that hinders a human's nature from being realized. Giving shape to this processes with the basis on the Spinoza's epistemic argument, moral instructional texts can be composed of stages to form more adequate moral ideas about moral subjects gradually and cumulatively. The moral instruction like this expects moral awareness which is relatively perfect than the present moral imagination. Furthermore, with the teaching and learning like this sustained, it is expected that ultimately the limitation arising from sensible perception can be overcome to approach the realization of a human's nature.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.349-392
• /
• 2008

Modern Neo-Confucianism was formed as a school by solving the modern problems in China through accepting western philosophies with Chinese basic philosophies since New Cultural Movement. Marxism, Liberalism, and Modern Neo-Confucianism are called three representatives of Chinese modern philosophies. Since the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, Modern Neo-Confucianists have tried to keep their philosophy and cultural conservatism in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Modern Neo-Confucianism which had been prohibited before 1978 was brought again to people's attention in the middle of 1980s by their active lectures and writings. Furthermore, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism was supported by the Chinese government in 1987. China was trying to find the way to enhance Chinese tradition and to develop China to a modern society at the same time through the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism. The purpose of Modern Neo-Confucianism is to keep Chinese tradition which was broken off, to develop China to a modern society, to control the problems caused by capitalism socially, and ultimately to strengthen socialism in China in the political aspect. The study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s focused on introducing, organizing, and understanding Modern Neo-Confucianism as its early stage. This study was led by Marxists with their methods and viewpoints. Even though the acceptance and understanding of Modern Neo-Confucianism was limited in a short period, the study on Modern Neo-Confucianism in the 1980s propagated Modern Neo-Confucianism. Modern Neo-Confucianism also played an important role to grow the argument about the critical succession of Chinese tradition and to reconsider the fact that modernization does not mean only westernization.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.119-156
• /
• 2018

Suk Dang Kim Sangjeong (1722-1788) was one of the Big Three Noron literati of the mid-18th century, and is an author worth taking note of in that he expressed the duty to pursue the Qin-Han gomoon-ron (古文論) more clearly and radically than anyone else. The literary debates that unfolded in the letters he exchanged with Ahn Doje (安道濟) and Sin Daejeon (申大傳) are the clues that may explain the continual development of Qin-Han gomoon-ron within Joseon. His gomoon-ron is a self-reflection of the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that continued as tradition in the Noron literati after Kim Changhyeop (金昌協), and also reflects his literary and periodical confidence. At the same time, he also makes a distinction with Qin-Han gomoon-ron set forth by the Seven Masters literature from the Ming Dynasty (前後七子) in that he takes precautions against plagiarism and emulation. It has rarely been shown that his sentences plagiarize and excessively cite the classics, or that he abstrusely elaborates sentences. He sorted through things of value worth recording and cleanly reenacted them based on the scenes and conversations, further, delivered applicable normative lessons through allegoric writing. This may be discussed as the portions that are possessed by the Qin-Han gomoon-ron that he pursued, and particularly that have the esthetic and contact point of historical prose. Kim Sangjeong's writing pursued the Qin-Han gomoon-ron of a prior era, and though distinguishable from authors of difficult writings, possesses unique characteristics that make it distinct from the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that focuses on argument. The direction of Kim Sangjeong's antiquarianism seeks after imperial loyalty, and is mutually intelligible with the artistic discourse of the Noron Cheongryu literati such as Lee Yunyeong, Kim Sangsuk, Lee Insang, and Hong Naksun who preferred archaeological finds and classical prose. While their literary tastes are a reflection of their conservative worldviews, they may also have been utilized as a foundation supporting their lives which were devoted to literature.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.387-404
• /
• 2015

A great number of philosophers during 'Six's Dynasty'(六朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian' said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run' and 'Da Xing Run' which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun' might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run' and 'Shen Mie Run'which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.407-444
• /
• 2010

So far, we morphologically considered which satirized society in the enlightenment period. For this, we first looked into the feature of expletive and then analyzed it centering around Declension. At last, we conclude this subject with argument of the creation time of from the morphological analysis result. Begining with the conclusion, I thought that the origin opinion of the creation time of is right. In priority research focusing on people who major in literature, the creation time of is about 1901 to 1907, and it coincide with the result from morphological consideration of this article. First, at the feature of expletive, the advent of '~ 할 말이면' the expression of the conditional mood helped to estimate the creation time of . Prior literature of the creation time of (around 1910), '~ 작시면' is the corresponding conditional mood expression. but in the new-style fiction around , it change to '~ 말이면' and thereafter '~ 것 갓흐면' or '~' which seems similar to present korean. I analized the record for the feature of expletive. By dividing up with merce miswrite and miswrite from ignorance, we can assume that the Scripter of is not the fictionist. At the feature of declension, the full use of the nominative case marker '-가' was recordable. '-가' had already appeared in early modern korean, but until 1883 '-ㅣ' almost replaced it. However, around period, we could know that '-ㅣ' barely used and mostly use '-가'. From this, I estimated the creation time of is at least after 1883. In conclusion, I want to suggest an opinion that 1900 is proper sectioning time when we divide history of korean to Modern and Present korean based on the discussion of this article.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.359-382
• /
• 2014

This paper is an essay on Chaekmun(Answer papers of official examination in Pre-modern period). Especially I tried to point out the possibility of practical use in the field of politics. For this purpose, I analyzed an examination paper written by Lee Ga-hwan, and the title is "a debate about construction of the Miang palace". Exquisite writing skill is also important in Chaekmun, but it is not everything. The subject of Chaekmun concerns various fields such like politics, economy, society, culture, and history. So that writers should have sufficient knowledge and opinion. The King, as an examiner, wants to test retainers' ability both in writing and politics. In this paper, I focused on using in field of politics between the King and the retainers. And as an good example, I analyzed a paper which dealt the event of building huge palace named Miang palace. That is because the King reflects his concerns by setting exam questions. And his concerns also could not be free of contemporary political conditions. Therefore we should be careful of reading those articles. Regarding this, Lee Ga-hwan's article had a distinctive characteristic. Unlike any other articles dealing with same event, he tried to access through creative point of view. And his thought were much close to the King's heart.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.113-159
• /
• 2011

The self-segmentation of Seoin(西人) School and the appearance of Soron(少論) School in the 17th century Joseon society has an important meaning in the political history. Soron School(少論學派) had quite different line in their thought and public position from the Noron(老論) School represented by Song Shi-yeol. With such thought and position, Soron School added a vitality to the barren climate of Joseon intellectual society and soon became an important school of it. Especially, the senior leaders of early Soron School shared the culture of discussion and dialogue which was represented by the phrase, "the forest of debate and the hill of argument". Accordingly, Soron School could form an unique academic tradition which was different from other schools. For instance, Park Se-dang(朴世堂), Nam Gu-man(南九萬), Yoon Jeung(尹拯) and Park Se-chae(朴世采) had relatively flexible Conception of Heresy; which was in the same context with the academic position of Soron School that allowed diverse approaches to truth each as the path of justice. Furthermore, the leaders of Soron School continued dialogue and discussion on the wide range of current issues. They deeply sympathized with the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論), which was to appoint important government positions equally from multiple schools. They thought that the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論) was to avoid the harmful influence of conflicts between schools, the Bungdang(朋黨), and tried to tune and compromise the different opinions of different schools. In fact, the "Hwanggeuk Tangpyeong-ron" (皇極蕩平論) submitted by Park Se-chae was the summarization of the discussions shared by the Soron School leaders. Consequently, the seniors of Soron School practiced their philosophy that "the true academic practice is the communication" by keeping the dialogue with other schools while respecting the difference of each other, rather than staying comfortably in the closed academic fence of uniformity. Such communicative academic practice adopting discussion and dialogue had been succeeded to the second generation of Soron School and it remained as an unique academic tradition of Soron School.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.35-61
• /
• 2017

The formation process of Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) in Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派) was examined. Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) succeeded to the methods of Huti (互體) and Yaobian(爻變) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Ha-bin(河濱), and Dasan(茶山) thought that he couldn't cover Zhouyi("周易") just with this one method. So he suggested the four methods called Yilisifa(易理四法), and supplemented it with 18 methods through Duyiyaozhi(?讀易要旨?). Accordingly, the process of how Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) was established was examined one by one. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho Lee Ik(星湖李瀷), the leading master of Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派). Nevertheless, Dasan(茶山) argued that the method of Huti(互體) had been from Zhu Xi(朱子). However, this argument of Dasan(茶山)'s seems to have resulted from Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. As a way to interpret Zhouyi(?周易?), Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱). However, Dasan(茶山) argued that Yaobian(爻變)was Zhu Xi(朱子)'s intention. He had no choice but this because of Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱), but Dasan(茶山) proposed the four key methods called Yilisifa(易理四法). Many researchers have argued that, as for Dasan(茶山)'s modern viewpoint, Dasan(茶山) developed Yi Xue(易學) in a similar way as Xihe Mauqiling(西河 毛奇齡). However, this viewpoint cannot be judged to have been similar as it was expressed when Dasan(茶山) himself criticized Xihe(西河)'s Jingxueguan(經學觀).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.141-190
• /
• 2021

In early modern Korea, the founders of three main-stream indigenous new religions, Choi Je-woo (崔濟愚), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), and Park Jungbin (朴重彬), were all ruined yangban, who could no longer maintain the social dignity of yangban. Prior to their regular religious activities, they earned livings as rural teachers, peasants, merchants, and fortune-tellers. They were marginalized for having declined from upper-class nobles to lower-class people. Due to their subalternal status, they religiously represented the inexpressible aspirations and resentments held by various subalterns. The millennial movements of marginal religions in the late Joseon Dynasty exposed and deviated from the fetters of the established order, but they did not propose a new alternative order to replace it. Unlike these millennial movements, Choi Je-woo, Kang Il-sun, and Park Jungbin all proposed utopian visions of post-subalternal alternative religions that systematically presented and practiced new alternative worldviews characterized by the "Great Opening of the Later World (後天開闢)." The world they longed for was one wherein anti-subalternal social regulation were overthrown, the oppression of various subalterns end, and the established social order was replaced. In this article, I have argued that three main-stream indigenous Korean new religions, Donghak (Eastern Learning), the Jeungsan-inspired religious movements, and Wonbulgyo (Won Buddhism) are utopian alternative religions. I made this argument by analyzing some aspects by which they represented subalterns and offered subalterns a new religio-social status.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Earth Science Education
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.76-90
• /
• 2022

In this study, after applying the argument structure class design program for 20 preservice earth science teachers, we conducted individual in-depth interviews, analyzed the data, and derived a scientific argumentation PCK development model. The scientific argumentation PCK development model consists of three dimensions: Scientific argumentation PCK, PCK ecosystem, and reflective practice. Scientific argumentation PCK is demonstrated in the process of designing or executing classes using argumentation structures as an instructional reasoning tool. PCK ecosystem, consisting of the existing conventional PCK components, is a dimension surrounding the scientific argumentation PCK, and these two dimensions develop by interacting with each other. Reflective practice regulates each dimension and develops it in various ways by mediating the two dimensions of the scientific argumentation PCK and the PCK ecosystem. The conclusions drawn based on the results are as follows: First, preservice science teachers can demonstrate scientific argumentation PCK in the process of design and implementation of lessons using argumentation structures as a pedagogical reasoning tool. Second, it is necessary to develop the PCK for pedagogical reasoning tools such as scientific argumentation PCK in advance for the development of science teachers' PCK, since the scientific argumentation PCK can develop various components of the PCK ecosystem. Finally, it is necessary to use scientific argumentation PCK to support the preservice teacher's reflective practice, seeing that the scientific argumentation PCK promotes the development of PCK ecosystem components by inducing reflective practice.