• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.153-163
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• 2011

This study analyzes the military and political factors that influenced the Participatory Government's resolution in Wartime Operational Control (OPCON) Transition. The research on key factors in OPCON transition firstly implemented literature research and then increased feasibility through additional use of AHP. The analysis results showed that there was a negative effect for Korean Peninsular Defense in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area, a positive effect to increase ROK-led Capability of Theater Operation in the 'ROK and U.S. Alliance Interdependence' area and a positive effect for Invocation of ROK Self-Defense Power in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area respectively. After applying AHP, "ROK exercise of Self-defense" in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area received the highest assessment, while the "Increasement of North Korea's Threat" in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area received the lowest assessment. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the key military and political factors in the Participatory Government's resolution of Wartime OPCON Transition using AHP.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.180-214
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• 2015

The Republic of Korea navy challenged from the unexpected surprise attacks by the North Korea navy, albeit, the developments of up-to-date naval forces' technology, and the ceaseless efforts for war preparedness. My study divided into two categories. Qualitative methods used for literature review of international relations theory related to the war onset and for investigating events occurred on the Peninsula and its surrounding seas from 1968 to 2007. Quantitative method used such as the analyses of national power index of the two Koreas, the United States, and China, the uses of equation model to calculate power index of alliance, COPDAB(Conflict and Peace Data Bank) index analysis. Like Choi's study on East Asia maritime conflict, as a conclusion, considering both AT theory and maritime national power as a tool for predicting maritime conflict in the Peninsula proved significant. Based on the study, ROK navy need to prepare for the maritime conflict because the results showed North Korea would initiate maritime disputes sooner or later using fatal asymmetric forces and methods. As a policy suggestion, we are required to maintain a concrete ROK-US alliance ties and to construct naval forces due to the deterring functions of maritime national power.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.7
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• pp.37-47
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• 2014

This study applies Policy Streams and Expert Group Standing Change Framework (PSECF) proposed by SangJung Park and Chan KOH to analyze the Roh's Participatory government's decision making process on the wartime Operational Control (OPCON) transition. PSECF case study's results are as follows: Strong commitments of the former president Roh Moohyun and the progressive National Security Committee (NSC) were primary drivers in the policy developing process. But military expert groups such as the Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the Joint Chiefs of Staffs (JCS) were thoroughly excluded due to their passive role against the wartime OPCON transition. After the policy resolution, the standing of expert groups changed: the standing of advocate effects, the former progressive NSC who led the wartime OPCON transition in the Roh's Participatory government, went down but the conservatives such as ROK MND and JCS improve their standing because the conservative government kicks off 8 months later from the policy decision. In conclusion, the proposed PSECF through the Roh's Participatory government's case-study is worthy as an explanatory framework for high level national policies.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.11
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• pp.47-58
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• 2012

This study selects political and military decision factors of Participatory Government's Wartime Operational Control(OPCON) Transition and analyzes, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the effects and relations between those factors. Previous research utilizing the Analytic Hierarchy Process(AHP) selected their decision factors based on academic data and field experience, requiring more objective analysis of the factors. For this study, we conducted a survey among security subject matter experts(SME) both online and offline. The results show that OPCON transition's decision factors were to 'recover military sovereignty', 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' and 'improve ROK image through enhancing national power' which differs little from the previous AHP method studies. It also showed that 'recover military sovereignty' and 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' had no relationship to each other and that the key factor that decided the OPCON Transition was actually 'recover military sovereignty' which represents the interest of the liberal party in ROK. This study finds its meaning by analyzing the decision factors of Participartory Government's OPCON Transition thorugh Delphi and DEMATEL method.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• The Korean Journal of Ecology
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.325-335
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• 1999

Empetrum nigrum dominant community or Rhododendron mucronulatum and R. yedoense var. poukhanense dominant shrub community are developing above l,500m on Mt. Halla in Cheju Island, Korea. These communities were formed as a result of the forest of Abies koreana regression by grazing or erosion over a long period of time. This study was conducted using the phytosociological method and it clarified the floristic composition of the community in Cheju Island by comparing with a similar community in Japan. Also this study interpreted the development data of these communities and considered community succession. As a result of our interpretation, shrub community of Cheju Island is recognized as two associations, Festuco obinae-Empetretum nigrum ass. nov and Rhododendretum mucronulatum ass. nov. Each association of Cheju Island is composed of endemic species of Cheju Island. related to the Korean peninsula and to Japan. The two associations are divided into 8 sub-units but each community development has been created with longtime grazing and prescribed fire. Maybe the location stability by stoppage of interference and grazing will process community transition Quickly. Comparing the shrub communities of Cheju Island with Maianthemo-Rhododendretum in Kyushu, Japan, which is close geographically, both areas have the species of Miscanthetea sinesis and Ericaceae in common. But Cheju Island has more abundant species and has higher ratio of appearance of alpine plants. The shrub communities of Cheju Island and Kyushu. Japan are identified as having a different rank over Alliance.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.195-202
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• 2013

Defense reform our military for the globalization of information. Scientific command structure, troop structure, unit structure, step-by-step into the power structure while promoting a history of quantitative-oriented structure, and structure of the quality of state-of-the-art technology-driven transition in the middle of the bottle numberplans about the current 3.3-fold increase in reducing the cadre(officers and NCOs). NCO groups in the executive, especially expanding the current level of 100% increase in the rate of long-serving, while ensuring a stable job and to superior resources to secure a stable policy through science. Military alliance is now underway. In the midst of this group, and urged the group at the University of the leading military and specialized resources to ensure each agreement required by subjects to reflect. Thus effectively improve the quality of education and the demands of the job analysis, DACUM curriculum development methods and procedures can be applied at the time of urgent need for foster an excellent resource for the discharge of curriculum development at the University of Selected as a core job, career, and job classification configuration inside of Duty according to KST derived from the group reflect on the training courses to meet the requirements in the curriculum through the development of curriculum, job definition, job model set to propose.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.