• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.1-15
• /
• 2015

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem 'Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)', 'the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga', and 'the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era', only the 'Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)' changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for 'Landscape Setting There($L_{ST}$)' according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region's representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later 'Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)' and 'Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)' were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including "Paehyangsipyeong (沛鄕十詠)", "Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)", and "Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)", the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region's representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the 'Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)', and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.547-594
• /
• 2000

I. Introduction The essence of Oriental medicine consists of ancient books, experienced doctors and succeeded skills of common society. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. $\ll$DangDaeMyeongIImJeungJeongHwa(當代名醫臨證精華)$\gg$ written by SaWoogWang(史宇廣) and DanSeoGeon(單書健) has many medical experience of famous doctors. So it has important historical value. Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. So I studied ${\ll}BiJeungJuJip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision Following decisions of Chinese doctors of 20th century are as follows ; 1. JuYangChun(朱良春) emphasized on IkSinJangDok(益腎壯督) to treat BiJeong. And he devided WanBi(頑痺) as PungHanSeup(風寒濕), DamEo(痰瘀), YeolDok(熱毒), SinHeo(腎虛). He used insects for medicine. 2. ChoSuDoek(焦樹德) introduced past prescription. He used ChiBiTang(治痺湯) to treat HaengBi(行痺), TongBi(痛痺), ChakBi(着痺). He insisted that Han(寒; coldness) and Seup(濕; dampness) be Eum(陰) and Pung(風; wind) can change his character to be Eum. After all BiJeung is usually EumJeung. So he used GaeJi(桂枝) and BuJa(附子). By the way he used ChungYeolSanBiTang(淸熱散痺湯) for YeolBi, BoSinGeoHanChiWangTang SaBok(王士福) emphasized on the importance of medicine. He introduced many treatments like CheongYeol(情熱) for YeolBi and YiO(二烏) for HanBi. And he divided BiJeung period for three steps. At 1st step, we must use GeoSa(祛邪), at 2nd step, we must use BuJeong(扶正) and at 3rd step, we must use BoHyeol(補血), he insisted. And he introduced many herbs to treat BiJeung. 4. JeongGwangJeok(丁光迪) said that GaeJi(桂枝), MaHwang(麻黃), OYak(烏蘖) and BuJa(附子) are very important for TongRak(通絡). And pain usually results from Han(寒), so he liked to use hot-character herbs. 5. MaGi(馬志) insisted that BiJeung usually result from ChilJeong(七情). And he liked to use insects for treatment of BiJeung. 6. WeolSeokMu(越錫武) introduced 8 kinds of treatments and divided BiJeung period. Also he divided BeJeung for PungBi(風痺), HanBi(寒痺) and SeupBi(濕痺). 7. SeoGeaHam(徐季含) observed many patients and concluded that 86.7% of BiJeung is HeuJeung(虛症). 8. YuJiMyeong(劉志明) said that YeolBi is important and CheongYeol is also important. So he emphasized on DangGyuiJeomTongTang(當歸拈痛湯) and SeonBiTang(宣痺湯). 9. WangLiChu(汪履秋) studied cause of WanBi. Internal cause is GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛) and GanSinHeo(肝腎虛) and external cause is SaGi(邪氣) he insisted. 10. WangSaSang(王士相) said that YeolBi can be SeupYeolBi or EumHeuYeolBi(陰虛熱痺) and HanSeupBi(寒濕痺) is rare. He use WooBangJaSan(牛蒡子散) and BangPungHwan(防風丸) for SeupYeolBi, DangGyuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯) for HanSeupBi. 11. JinTaekGang(陳澤江) treated YeolBi with BaekHoGaGyeJiTang(自虎加桂枝湯) and SaMyoSan(四妙散). If they don't have effect, he tried to cure BiJeung step by step. And he used e term of GeunBi(筋痺) and BangGiMogwaEIInTang(防己木瓜薏苡仁湯) was good for GeunBi. 12. MaSeoJeong(麻瑞亭) said that PungSeupYeokJeul(風濕歷節) is BiJeung and it is related to GanBinSin(肝脾腎; liver, Spleen, Kindey). And he emphasized on balance WiGi(衛氣) and YoungHeul(營血). 13. SaJeJu(史濟桂) said that GeunGolBi(筋骨痺) is similar to arthritis and sometimes called ChakBi. And SinBi(腎痺) is terminal stage of ChakBi, he said. He also used insects for treatment. 14. JeongJeNam(丁濟南) tried to cure SLE and used GyeJi, CheonCho(川椒), SinGeunCho(伸筋草), SunRyeongBi(仙靈脾), HyconSam(玄蔘) and GamCho(甘草). 15. JinGYungHwa(陳景和) emphasized on diagnosis of tongue. If the color of tongue is blue, it usually has EoHyeol(瘀血), for example. And he also used insects. 16. JuSongI(朱松毅) tried to devide YeolBi with OnByeong(溫病), Wi(衛), Gi(氣) and Hyeol(血). 17. RuDaBong(蔞多峰) said that JyeongHeo(正虛), OiSa(外邪) and EoHyeol are closely related. And he explained BiJeung by deviding the body into the part, for example head, neck, shoulder, waist, upper limb and lower limb. 18. YuMuBo(劉茂甫) defined PungHanSyubBi as chronic stage and YeolBi as acute stage.

• Progress in Medical Physics
• /
• v.15 no.4
• /
• pp.173-178
• /
• 2004

Purpose: To compare desimetrically intensity-modulated radiotherapy treatment plans with commercially available multileaf collimators (MLCs) of different leaf width for intracranial lesions. Materials and Methods: Twelve patients with intracranial lesions were treated with BrainLAB's micro-MLCs (mMLCs) and performed with the BrainSCAN ver. 5.2 planning software. They were replanned using the Varian 120 and 80 MLCs. These collimators have minimum leaf width of 3 mm, 5 mm and 10 mm at isocenter, respectively. PTV was $3.3~339.2\textrm{cm}^3$ and the number of beams was 3~7. These three plans were compared with respect to the uniformity and the conformity indices, doses to critical organ and normal tissue. Results: For the uniformity index of the planning target volume (PTV), there were no statistically significant differences between mMLCs and 120 MLCs (p=0.057) and between 120 MLCs and 80 MLCs (p=0.388). However, there was a difference between mMLCs and 80 MLCs (p<0.001). Maximum target dose to the PTV showed no dependency with respect to the leaf width. On the contrary, there were statistically significant differences in the conformity indices between mMLCs and 120 MLCs (p=0.003), between mMLCs and 80 MLCs (p=0.003) and between 120 MLCs and 80 MLCs (p=0.003). The volume of brainstem irradiated to $\geq$70% dose and to $\geq$50% dose was increased as the leaf width of MLCs increased. In particular, the volume of normal tissue irradiated is obviously changed for different leaf width. Volumetric increments for MLCs with leaf widths of 5 mm and 10 mm were 6.3% and 23.2% to the normal tissue irradiated to $\geq$50% dose, and 8.7% and 32.7% to the normal tissue irradiated to $\geq$70% dose, respectively, compared to the volume for MLCs with leaf width of 3 mm. Conclusions: The uniformity index and maximum target dose to the PTV showed no dependency with respect to leaf width of MLCs. However, the conformity index was improved as the leaf width decreased. For the sparing of normal brain tissue, treatment plans with MLCs of 3 mm leaf width is more effective, compared to ones with MLCs of 5 mm and 10 mm leaf widths.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.61-66
• /
• 2002

Purpose : To determine wether varicella can be prevented by administration of oral acyclovir(ACV) during the incubation period of the disease. Methods : Starting 9 days after exposure to the index case in their families, ACV(40 mg/kg/day in four divided doses) was given orally to 20 exposed children for 5 days. Their clinical features was compared with those of 20 control subjects. Antibody titers to VZV were measured in both group 1 week and 4 weeks after finishing the oral ACV administration. Results : The mean age of family members with varicella(51.4 months) were significantly high compared to that of ACV prophylaxis group(28.5 months) and control group(31 months) (P<0.05). Among the 12 children with ACV prophylaxis who completed follow up blood sampling, nine children were diagnosed as VZV infection on the serologic test(75%). Among them six children showed positive VZV IgM on the first blood sample and two children showed serocoversion to positive IgM on the second test after ACV prophylaxis. One child who was negative on both IgM and IgG, showed positive IgG on the second test. The incidence of fever and severity of skin rashes were significantly low in children received oral ACV than in the control group. No or reduced number of maculopapular eruption were observed in the oral ACV group compared to multiple vesicles of the control group. Conclusion : In the present study, we observed that oral ACV prophylaxis to the family contacts is effective in reducing severity of skin lesion. It is likely that oral ACV 9 days after contact prevents or reduces blood dissemination of VZV. Little is known about clinical effect and immunity to the virus in exposed children with no varicella symptom after treatment. We propose the checking up antibody to VZV some period after oral ACV, and considering vaccination to whom with no antibody. But further more studies are needed to practical application of oral ACV for the postexposure prophylaxis of varicella.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.1
• /
• pp.126-147
• /
• 2018

The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.5
• /
• pp.32-51
• /
• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2023

This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.135-183
• /
• 2003

Aerospace force is a determining factor in a modem war. The combat field is expanding to space. Thus, the legitimacy of establishing aerospace force is no longer an debating issue, but "how should we establish aerospace force" has become an issue to the military. The standard limiting on the military use of space should be non-aggressive use as asserted by the U.S., rather than non-military use as asserted by the former Soviet Union. The former Soviet Union's argument is not even strongly supported by the current Russia government, and realistically is hard to be applied. Thus, the multi-purpose satellite used for military surveillance or a commercial satellite employed for military communication are allowed under the U.S. principle of peaceful use of space. In this regard, Air Force may be free to develop a military surveillance satellite and a communication satellite with civilian research institute. Although MTCR, entered into with the U.S., restricts the development of space-launching vehicle for the export purpose, the development of space-launching vehicle by the Korea Air Force or Korea Aerospace Research Institute is beyond the scope of application of MTCR, and Air Force may just operate a satellite in the orbit for the military purpose. The primary task for multi-purpose satellite is a remote sensing; SAR sensor with high resolution is mainly employed for military use. Therefore, a system that enables Air Force, the Korea Aerospace Research Institute, and Agency for Defense Development to conduct joint-research and development should be instituted. U.S. Air Force has dismantled its own space-launching vehicle step by step, and, instead, has increased using private space launching vehicle. In addition, Military communication has been operated separately from civil communication services or broadcasting services due to the special circumstances unique to the military setting. However, joint-operation of communication facility by the military and civil users is preferred because this reduces financial burden resulting from separate operation of military satellite. During the Gulf War, U.S. armed forces employed commercial satellites for its military communication. Korea's participation in space technology research is a little bit behind in time, considering its economic scale. In terms of budget, Korea is to spend 5 trillion won for 15 years for the space activities. However, Japan has 2 trillion won annul budget for the same activities. Because the development of space industry during initial fostering period does not apply to profit-making business, government supports are inevitable. All space development programs of other foreign countries are entirely supported by each government, and, only recently, private industry started participating in limited area such as a communication satellite and broadcasting satellite, Particularly, Korea's space industry is in an infant stage, which largely demands government supports. Government support should be in the form of investment or financial contribution, rather than in the form of loan or borrowing. Compared to other advanced countries in space industry, Korea needs more budget and professional research staff. Naturally, for the efficient and systemic space development and for the prevention of overlapping and distraction of power, it is necessary to enact space-related statutes, which would provide dear vision for the Korea space development. Furthermore, the fact that a variety of departments are running their own space development program requires a centralized and single space-industry development system. Prior to discussing how to coordinate or integrate space programs between Agency for Defense Development and the Korea Aerospace Research Institute, it is a prerequisite to establish, namely, "Space Operations Center"in the Air Force, which would determine policy and strategy in operating space forces. For the establishment of "Space Operations Center," policy determinations by the Ministry of National Defense and the Joint Chief of Staff are required. Especially, space surveillance system through using a military surveillance satellite and communication satellite, which would lay foundation for independent defense, shall be established with reference to Japan's space force plan. In order to resolve issues related to MTCR, Air Force would use space-launching vehicle of the Korea Aerospace Research Institute. Moreover, defense budge should be appropriated for using multi-purpose satellite and communication satellite. The Ministry of National Defense needs to appropriate 2.5 trillion won budget for space operations, which amounts to Japan's surveillance satellite operating budges.

• Journal of the Korean Vacuum Society
• /
• v.15 no.6
• /
• pp.563-575
• /
• 2006

Ti(C,N) films are synthesized by pulsed DC plasma enhanced chemical vapor deposition (PEMOCVD) using metal-organic compounds of tetrakis diethylamide titanium at $200-300^{\circ}C$. To compare plasma parameter, in this study, $H_2$ and $He/H_2$ gases are used as carrier gas. The effect of $N_2\;and\;NH_3$ gases as reactive gas is also evaluated in reduction of C content of the films. Radical formation and ionization behaviors in plasma are analyzed in-situ by optical emission spectroscopy (OES) at various pulsed bias voltages and gas species. He and $H_2$ mixture is very effective in enhancing ionization of radicals, especially for the $N_2$. Ammonia $(NH_3)$ gas also highly reduces the formation of CN radical, thereby decreasing C content of Ti(C, N) films in a great deal. The microhardness of film is obtained to be $1,250\;Hk_{0.01}\;to\;1,760\;Hk_{0.01}$ depending on gas species and bias voltage. Higher hardness can be obtained under the conditions of $H_2\;and\;N_2$ gases as well as bias voltage of 600 V. Hf(C, N) films were also obtained by pulsed DC PEMOCYB from tetrakis diethyl-amide hafnium and $N_2/He-H_2$ mixture. The depositions were carried out at temperature of below $300^{\circ}C$, total chamber pressure of 1 Torr and varying the deposition parameters. Influences of the nitrogen contents in the plasma decreased the growth rate and attributed to amorphous components, to the high carbon content of the film. In XRD analysis the domain lattice plain was (111) direction and the maximum microhardness was observed to be $2,460\;Hk_{0.025}$ for a Hf(C,N) film grown under -600 V and 0.1 flow rate of nitrogen. The optical emission spectra measured during PEMOCVD processes of Hf(C, N) film growth were also discussed. $N_2,\;N_2^+$, H, He, CH, CN radicals and metal species(Hf) were detected and CH, CN radicals that make an important role of total PEMOCVD process increased carbon content.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.100
• /
• pp.50-80
• /
• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.