• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.75-87
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• 2017

This study is the research about Okcheonjeong(玉泉亭) located in the backyard of Namhansanseong(南漢山城)'s temporary palace(行宮). Okcheonjeong was not only built by a government inside Namhansanseong but it was also representative garden which is shown the culture of the nobility. It became famous garden ruins recently because it has remained many carved stones. However, there has been no study about Okcheonjeong yet. We studied Okcheonjeong to establish basic knowledge by literature analysis and field investigation. We tried to discover garden style by deciphering carved stones, and estimate Okcheonjeong's location by documentary research. Sim, Sang-Gyu became Gwangjuyusu(廣州留守) in 1816, and he built Okcheonjeong on the backyard of Namhansanseong's temporary palace in 1817. It was located in the foot of a mountain beside a stream. It consisted of Pungaepok(楓靄瀑: waterfall), Chusudam(秋水潭: a little pond), and Okcheon(玉泉: a stone wall). The stone for sign stands in front of the entrance of Pungaepok to show Okcheonjeong, and there is Yeongyeondae(泠然臺) above the waterfall. We thought that Okcheonjeong was typical Imcheon-garden(林泉庭苑). Okcheonjeong is located in the foot of a mountain following Gamigyeong(歌薇逕) 60 meters so it was able to see the whole temporary palace from the Okcheonjeong. It was the garden pavilion of temporary palace, but it was used in semi public garden(半公的庭苑). Okcheonjeong is the only graden ruins which was located in Namhansanseong, so we have to preserve as cultural heritage. We expect to make use of primary datas to restore Namhansanseong soundly which was world heritage.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.5
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• pp.81-88
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• 1987

This study was conducted to determine the contents of heavy metals in Jeotkals (salted-fermented fish and shellfishes) and to investigate the major factor of their contamination. The results were as follows : Average contents of heavy metals in Jeotkals were Hg 0.076 ppm, Pb 0.677 ppm, Cd 0.112ppm, As 1.025ppm, Cu 3.540ppm, Zn 11.230ppm and Mn 2.041ppm, those in fish and shellfishes were Hg 0.051ppm, Pb 0.425ppm, Cd 0.071ppm, As 0.632ppm, Cu 2.ppm, Zn 8.052ppm, Mn 1.178ppm and Hg ND, Pb 0.05ppm, Cd 0.01ppm, As 0.02ppm, Cu 0.087ppm, Zn 0.068ppm and Mn 0.044ppm in salts. During the fermentation of the salted anchovy (Engraulis Japonicus) in each containers, the contents of Hg and Cd had little difference with control, but Pb was high in pottery and iron container and As was in iron and regenerated plastic container. During the fermentation of the salted anchovy in iron container, the contents of heavy metals increased and was to determined more at the later stage of fermentation than at the early stage. Most contents of heavy metals increased in elution experiment of containers, but Hg and Cd did not detected. The concentration of salt did not affect to the elution of heavy metals.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.32
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• pp.327-355
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• 2016

This study aims to identify petit bourgeois desires through the characters in "Oksosun Stories" from Cheonyerok, an eighteenth-century Yadam anthology. The desires and motivations of the characters are quite secular and egocentric. Because of this, their shared characteristics are similar to those of the petit bourgeois, as neutral existence begins to emerge during the transition from feudal to modern society. The concept of petit bourgeois generally means the public and the working class of modern society. The main character's behavior in the story differs little from general petit bourgeois attitudes. An important belief in petit bourgeois is not the ruling ideology in society but the achievement and stability of realistic and ordinary desires to fulfill their lives' satisfaction. Also selfish or antisocial attitudes and boundary characteristics appear in the process, depending on whether subject having any desire. However, the character's actions are limited in the governance system of a huge reality. And It is characterized by end goal being to meet their upward mobility and stability. This corresponds with Seang's (書生) actions of turning his back on his family and country as well as promising Jaran his love; and, he redeems himself with his family and society by acquiring stability after he passed the state examination. Furthermore, the contemporary significance of this work demonstrates Seang (書生) discovering his desires for human love; therefore, in order to affirm and gratify this desire, he endures the societal state of semi-feudalism against filial duty (不孝), disloyalty (不忠), and non-chastity (不烈), and he acts independently. In addition, on the strength of his pursuit of his desires, Oksosun frees herself from the caste restraint called gisaeng (妓生) and affirms her desire to become a subject of love, but she then deviates from the social system. Moreover, the limitations and achievements of the petit bourgeois are indicated in the actions of recognizing the social threshold of their past in the process, making independent efforts using their capabilities, fulfilling success in the state examination with their intellectual capacity, and re-entering society. From the late Chosun Dynasty to modern times, there is not only the type of contemporary people who hunger for fulfillment of their personal desire and live in free will, but there is also the feudal type that is still lacking in the understanding of independent life. This is not as different as in these present times. This literature asserts the meaning of awakening one's self-existence and assigning great value to the fulfillment of self-desires against the odds that are created by socio-political, cultural, economic norms of the era. "Oksosun Story" affirms the small efforts and successes of private individuals in reality. It also validates the search for life happiness through positivity. In this sense, even the contemporary reader would derive valid meaningfulness from this literature.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.167-185
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• 2014

SHRIMP zircon U-Pb ages and major element and Sr-Nd isotopic compositions were determined for drill cores (374-3390 m in depth) recovered from three boreholes in the Pohonag basin, southeastern Korea. Shallow-seated volcanic rocks and underlain plutonic rocks were geochemically classified as rhyolite and gabbro-granite, respectively. They showed high-K calc-alkaline trends on the $K_2O-SiO_2$ and AFM diagrams. Zircons from volcanic rocks of borehole PB-1 yielded concordia ages of $66.84{\pm}0.66Ma$ (n=12, MSWD=0.02) and $66.52{\pm}0.55Ma$ (n=12, MSWD=0.46). Zircons from volcanic rocks of borehole PB-2 gave a concordia age of $71.34{\pm}0.85Ma$ (n=11, MSWD=0.79) and a weighted mean $^{206}Pb/^{238}U$ ages of $49.40{\pm}0.37Ma$ (n=11, MSWD=1.9). On the other hand, zircons from plutonic rocks of borehole PB-3 yielded weighted mean $^{206}Pb/^{238}U$ ages of $262.4{\pm}3.6Ma$ (n=21, MSWD=4.5), $252.4{\pm}3.6Ma$ (n=8, MSWD=1.9) and $261.8{\pm}1.5Ma$ (n=31, MSWD=1.3). Detrital zircons from the sedimentary strata overlain the volcanic rocks showed a wide age span from Neoproterozoic to Cenozoic, with the youngest population corresponding to $21.89{\pm}1.1Ma$ (n=15, MSWD=0.04) and $21.68{\pm}1.2Ma$ (n=10, MSWD=19). These dating results indicate that the basement of the Pohang basin is composed of Late Permian plutonic rocks and overlain Late Cretaceous to Eocene volcanic sequences. Miocene sediments were deposited in the uppermost part of the basin, possibly associated with the opening of the East Sea. The Sr-Nd isotopic compositions of the Permian plutonic rocks were comparable with those reported from Permian-Triassic granitoids in the Yeongdeok area, northern Gyeongsang basin. They may have been recycled into parts of the Cretaceous-Paleogene magmatic rocks within the Gyeongsang basin.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.312-319
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• 2021

This study was conducted to investigate the effect of elevated carbon dioxide on the growth and physiological responses of peach 'Mihong' (Prunus persica). We simulated three different carbon dioxide conditions based on climate change scenarios RCP 8.5 in the sunlight phytotron rooms from April 22 to July 6, 2020; 400 µmol·mol^-1(present condition), 700 µmol·mol^-1 treatment(expecting carbon dioxide concentrations in mid-21st century), 940 µmol·mol^-1 treatment (expecting carbon dioxide concentrations in late 21st century). The average of maximum photosynthesis rate at 700 µmol·mol^-1(16.06 µmol·CO₂·m^-2·s^-1) was higher than those at 400 µmol·mol^-1(14.45 µmol·CO₂·m^-2·s^-1) and 940 µmol·mol^-1(15.96 µmol·CO₂·m^-2·s^-1) from May 22 to July 2. However, stomatal conductances at 700 µmol·mol^-1 and 940 µmol·mol^-1 were lower than those at the control. Also, the carbon dioxide saturation point in all treatments was reduced from 1,200 µmol·mol^-1 in the early stage of growth to 600-800 µmol·mol^-1 in the late stage of growth. The stomatal densities were decreased as carbon dioxide increased. The shoot lengths were decreased while the carbon dioxide was increased, but the increase of trunk diameter and leaf areas, shoot numbers were not statistically different. The fruit weight at 700 µmol·mol^-1(152.5 g) was higher than those at the control(141.8 g) and 940 µmol·mol^-1(147.4 g). The soluble solids were higher at 700 µmol·mol^-1, 940 µmol·mol^-1 compared to the control. These results suggest that a carbon dioxide elevated to 700 µmol·mol^-1 in the future may give a positive effect on the yield and fruit quality of peach 'Mihong' while a carbon dioxide elevated above 940 µmol·mol^-1 may affect negatively such as early senescence and loss of fruit set.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.110 no.3
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• pp.341-354
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• 2021

A large part of Gapyeong is occupied by Korean pine (Pinus koraiensis) and Japanese larch (Larix kaempferi) plantations. Abies holophylla stands are scattered throughout Gapyeong, but little information on their distribution is available. This study explored the potential of succession from planted species to native A. holophylla in plantations. Trees were inventoried and regeneration of A. holoplhylla and stand management history were examined in Korean pine, Japanese larch, and A. holophylla-dominated stands. The importance percentage of A. holophylla was the highest among species with a range of 36.1% to 79.1% in all stands and the density of A. holophylla in understory (DBH <2 cm or <1.3 m height) ranged from 50 to 5,820 trees ha^-1. Non-metric multidimensional scaling classified stands into four types, AN, AP, AM, and P. The AN type showed a reverse J-shape DBH distribution, which was similar to that in natural A. holophylla stands. Both AP and AM types included Korean pine plantations with A. holophylla seed trees within stands. For AP, A. holophylla competed with planted species in overstory and deciduous broadleaved species in understory. The AM type was once thinned from below, thus stem density in the mid DBH classes was lower than upper or lower DBH classes. The P type consisted of plantations without A. holophylla seed trees. However, understory regeneration of A. holophylla was abundant through seed supply from A. holophylla in adjacent stands. Plantations with A. holophylla seed trees within or in adjacent stands showed vigorous natural regeneration of A. holophylla, highlighting the potential for succession from planted species to native A. holophylla in the Gapyeong area. Further studies can help develop techniques to restore plantations to native species-dominated natural stands using ecological succession.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.50-58
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• 2011

Cheongpunggye is located in a valley where Baekaksan, the main mountain of Seoul and Inwang Mountain corresponding to right-white tiger(石白虎) divination based on topography are crossed. The owner of Cheongpunggye is Seonwon Kim Sangyong and many people had visited there without pause because of beautiful landscape since the early times of Chosun. Seonwon Kim Sangyong had ever studied together with Yulgok Yi I and Woogye Seong Hon. He was one of the Western faction(Seo-in) which was the leading power of Injo Coup and died for his chastity during Second Manchu Invasion of Chosun. He is known as a model of fidelity which is a symbol for scholar's spirit in Chosun together with his younger brother Cheongeum Kim Sangheon. Jangdong region, the clan village of New Andong family was the birthplace of Yulgok School which was the fundamental of scholar spirit of Chosun. And Jangdong would be the source of Jin-Gyeong(Real Scenery) Culture which was bloomed by Baekak club composed of Gyeomjae Jeong Seon, Sacheon Lee Byeongyeon, and Gwanajae Cho Yeongseok. The contents of this study are as follows. First, this study explored the placeness of Seochon region through the historical background like the relation between Jangdong, the clan village of Andong Kim family and Andong Kim family, and achievements of Seonwon Kim Sangyong and circumstances of that times. Second, this study tried to know original landscape of Cheongpunggye by investigating location, topography, water system etc. based on analysis of literature, old map, and paintings describing Cheongpunggye. The study was progressed in this way. To infer the original landscape, about 50 landscape elements of Cheongpunggye shown in Punggyejibseunggi(楓溪集勝記), Cheongpunggye Cheop, Cheongpunggye(淸風溪), the work of Gyeomjae Jeong Sean were searched, and then the location and form of the elements was analyzed. Furthermore, by analyzing the meanings of the names for the landscape elements, the thoughts(Naturalism, Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism) supporting the structure of Cheongpunggye could be inferred. It is thought that these findings can contribute to exploration of placeness of Cheongpunggye. The study on original landscape of Cheongpunggye can be used as basic data when these works are executed-revival of Cheongpunggye, restoration of small streams in upper part of Cheonggyecheon, renewal of Seochon region.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.217-248
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• 2009

'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib'(collection of conversation by writing about poetry or sentences) which was remained in Japan through the dispatching of Tong-sin mission belong to the Joseon dynasty is a valuable historical records directly to verify sincere relationships with Korea and Japan in the past. At the center of the 'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib', a conversation of senators who was technocrat both countries at that time was not a little contained. Because they need to exchange information and opinions which they had been curious at an appointed hour, the most impending medical problems of that period had to be brought out in the senator's 'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib' and the value of material is high as much. If you examine the 'Pil-dam' records which was exchanged from senators to senators of both countries at that time, you can directly confirm the universality and difference of the medical science and medicine tradition of various East Asian countries. The purpose of a paper was in consolidation to a base of translation and investigation hereafter to consider the characters embodied in medical conversation in the first half of $18^{th}$ centuries. '~ Rok(錄)' can be an opportunity to organize the customs history through the studying an illness, medicines and a remedy. The necessity of the investigation about medical related conversation by writing is in this place. '~ Ui-dam(醫談)' is considering with the all factors above, the first half of 18th century's medical conversation materials are certificated remarkably valuable materials to the cultural history around the physician at that time. '~ Pil-ur(筆語)' is to use of questions and answers form gives presence and reality at the conversation by writing. So, conversation was let the readers to gain the feeling of movement. Also, the contents are substantially reflected the long history of Eastern medical and revealed medical science, treatment reality at that time. Not correspondent with normal collection of conversation by writing, the medical conversation by writing shows a special quality at rich material to confirm the technocrat's identity. The first half of $18^{th}$ century medical conversation by writing had been a foundation of the rational description system at the coming medical conversation to change the description system according to the envoy's coming situation.