• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.99-123
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• 2017

We analyzed the movie (2016/ directed by J-yong E), which is entangled in politics of gender, age, class, or sexuality, naming as "spaces of Others", using the concepts of heterotopia of Foucault. Foucault addressed three types of spaces: the realistic space where we currently live, the unrealistic and non-existent utopia, and heterotopia, which functions antithetically to reality. Thus, Foucault's heterotopia can be considered to indicate "heterogeneous spaces" in reality. The Bacchus Lady revolves a 65-year old prostitute So-Young, sells her body to old men at the parks in downtown of Seoul. Old prostitute on streets are often referred as "Bacchus Ladies", because suggest the popular energy drink a bottle of Bacchus while selling sex. The movie represents some minorities such as transgender, Tina and madam of the club, G-spot, migrant women like Camila and Aindu, and a amputee, Dohoon. Through these people's bodies, the problems such as imperials, nations, ethnics, gender, age, class are entangled in the movie. The politics of these points work and construct heterotopias in four spaces of Others. First, the spaces which ageing and death are intersected. Second, the spaces of So-Young for prostitutes, Third, the spaces of So-Young's mothering: she adopted her baby to American when he was a infant, so she have felt guilty. Fourth, the spaces for So-young's quasi-family with Minho, a Kopian boy who was abandoned by Korean father, Dohoon, who is a poor amputee, and Tina, who is a transgender singer. Fifth, the spaces of speech of So-Young as the subaltern: the subaltern does not have the language to express its own experiences. In order to listen to the words of subaltern, we must do the task of measuring the silence. This cinematic representation of So-young as the subaltern makes her speak about her situation. Finally, the spaces constructed by the movie can be connected 'heterotopia of crisis', 'heterotopia of deviation' and 'heterotopia of fantasy'. The spaces of the movie represents lives of Others, nevertheless, So-Young's Otherness through spaces of heterotopia was transformed to an absolute Other by patriarchal traits of cinematic narrative.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.115-167
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to investigate coverage patterns of the Korean internet news media on 'US-Iraq War' and its meaning and discourse structure. The internet news media was recently established and become a popular news media to compete with old news media in Korea. The author selected the 'Oh My News' as a representative internet news media for his analysis, and collected its news items from Mar. 20, 2003 to Dec. 17, 2003. on the basis of 4 different phases of the war. He analysed the whole of news items with various semiotic and discourse analytic methods, especially applying for Bell's concepts of time and discourse structure. As a result of this study, first of all, it was found that the 'Oh My News' tended to cover this war so different ways as the old news media did. It did not pay attention to the procedure of war, especially, battlefields, fighting between US and Iraq, damages and casualties. But, instead, it paid attention to many doubts about intention of US government and the President, Bush, dichotomous shift between pro-America and anti-America, rightness of dispatching Korean army into Iraq, etc. Secondly, it functioned as a kind of alternative media to speak up different voices comparing with those of old media. It tended to suggest different perspectives and opinions, while the old media tended to follow American perspectives and opinions. Thirdly, it became as a kind of new media setting agendas for this war in Korean society. It played a very important role for setting agendas for various issues related with this war. In conclusion, the internet news media has recently become a kind of new news media for suggesting alternative or different opinions, setting agendas, initiating discourses, etc., even though it still has may problems of becoming so called orthodox news media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.73
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• pp.56-91
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• 2015

This study examined changes in the independent production environment in the perspectives from flexible specialization of labor and media routines since January 2011, when comprehensive programming television channels (JTBC, MBN, Channel A, TV Chosun) emerged in Korea. In-depth interviews were conducted with thirteen individuals, including producers from independent production companies, broadcast writers, and individuals involved with these TV channels. The interview results indicated that a flexible specialization production system had been established by the comprehensive programming channels. This means that they were heavily dependent on independent producers, except in relations to their own news programs. Moreover, it was identified that the production of diverse programs could be difficult due to absurd contract practices such as those related to TV ratings and performance systems. Second, these channels have implemented some positive changes such as the payment of higher production costs and an incentive system, compared to terrestrial TV stations. However, the incentive system also helps to aggravate internal competition in the channel and also instigate contract competitions among independent companies, which can eventually result in the channels for holding exclusive rights to certain content and, hence, unfair business practices. Third, as a result of the newspaper and broadcast cross-owenership system of the comprehensive programming channels, hierarchical independent production practices can be established under the influence of newspaper proprietors and executives or managers who have previously worked for newspapers. Lastly, as a result of interviews with independent producers and individuals involved with the TV channels concerning the awareness of comprehensive programming channels, it could not be ascertained whether it is difficult to produce programs dealing with diverse items and genres, because programming autonomy has been distorted by capital or the advertisement market. In this circumstance, it is not surprising that some comprehensive programming channels mentioned that they prioritize profit and performance in programming. In conclusion, it is absolutely imperative that complementary and legal measures be implemented institutionally in order to redress the existing systematic dysfunctional routines in the independent productions of the comprehensive programming TV channels in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.150-191
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• 2007

Defamation lawsuits of public figures against media have been an issue since Roh government set in. Dissension between the government and media has probably acted as the key factor on this problem. Accordingly, arguments on the defamation lawsuits of public figures occurred the political issues such as opposition between the Progressive and the Conservative Parties or between the ins and the outs and showed the limits to suggest an appropriate judgment or solution. This study will analyze how the court makes its judgement on their rights and the limits by understanding the characteristic and the problem of defamation lawsuits made by senior government officials including a politician, the government, the president, and etc. As results, the defamation lawsuits of politicians and senior government officials showed specially noteworthy matters in salvation (damage suits), the amount claimed, court costs, ratio of winning lawsuits, and etc. The result on the tendency of the court decision showed the following matters in confusion: it holds the media responsible for the burden of proof by applying the inappropriate criterion; The applied laws, especially in the inferior court decision, do not show the consistency of the burden of proof between the misconception/ intention (malice)/ accident/ purpose of slander on the legal principles of public figures. Therefore, this study suggests the court to apply an appropriate law, let alone regulating the Anti-SLAPP law, so that it curtails the rights of public figures; limits the salvation of damage suit; and protects the right only in the case of false accusation by applying the existing law of "the Protection of the Deceased's Defamation Law." In order to dissolve the confusion when applying the laws on the public figures, the study insists the court to positively apply the Constitutional Court made criterion on "people" and "content." The study also insists to distinguish "intention(malice)," "accident," and "purpose of slander" and variant sorts of the burden of proof should be applied to each.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.33-48
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• 2012

Over the last decades, the issue of work or labor has played a critical role in prevailing discourses to represent the changed economic reality. Aesthetic labor, cultural work, network labor, team-work and alike, have played a dazzling role to represent the emerging economic order, employing the word of labor. Certainly, it is not less than a part of a wide range of shifts in order to make capital work with more effect by making up a workable and governable subject. In this article, I try to examine shifts around the media work which has contributed to expand the new discourse of 'labor.' I will say that it is quite crucial for accounting for the reality of media work to shed light on moves to represent media work, and, among others, one to transform the subjectivity involved in it among others. Furthermore, it would be necessary to take a close look at the subjectivity of media work and its modification to deal with and eliminate the precariousness of media work. Saying about media work without paying any attention to heterogenous and various practices to compose a media work, one is forced to regard media work as the matter of economic and legal interests. In addition, it would bring about that the cultural political concerns of media work will be detached from critical sight of the media cultural studies. Referring to major studies around media work in critical media studies, cultural studies and political economy of communication, this article will briefly look into the arrangement of contentions around subjectivity of media work in South Korea. And it will try to suggest what cultural-political strategy we need to investigate, fighting against the hegemonic power to generate and regulate media work and its workers in precarious conditions. It does not intend to search the media work and its complicated realities in detail in South Korea. I wish that it would make a preliminary step to propose and elaborate the critical analysis of media work and its form of subjectivities.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.202-226
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze how Chinese people perceive the acceptance and spread of Korean popular culture through the analysis of the Korean Wave news frame in Chinese daily newspapers. The result of analysis showed that there was a significant difference in the number of an article appearance in all three daily newspapers by year according to a specific issue including the popularity of Korean Wave-related events, Korean dramas, movies and Korean stars. This reporting trend also appeared in the article format, and all three daily newspapers mainly used an episodic frame to deliver fragmentary Korean Wave trend or personal information emotionally rather than a thematic frame to analyze and interpret the Korean Wave trend in depth. As a result of analyzing dominant news frames using the inductive approach to examine specific contents of the articles, news frames that composed the Korean Wave into the cultural interest frame as 'Interest and attention toward Korean popular culture' and gave positive evaluations were dominant, followed by the economic news frames that explained the Korean Wave from the economic perspective and the political news frames that considered the Korean Wave from the viewpoint of the Chinese Government. These news frames appeared somewhat different according to the publishing purpose of daily newspapers. ${\ll}$People's Daily${\gg}$ which is the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party often covered the political frames to report the policies of Chinese government, ${\ll}$People's Daily (Overseas edition)${\gg}$ often covered economic frames from the overseas perspective and the Jinghua Daily which is a commercial newspaper by nature often handled cultural interest frames to consider Korean Wave as new cultural phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.108-147
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• 2009

This study explores the news frames on the U. S. beef imports and candlelight vigils covered by the two national dailies such as ChosunIlbo and the Hankyoreh Shinmun; the KwangwonIlbo, a local daily. The news frames extracted based on the models of Iyengar(1987), Semetko & Valkenburg(2000) and other researchers are attribution of responsibility, economic sequences, protest against the authorities, national health and governmental public relations and so on. The result shows that the news reports are consisted of the straight news(75.9%), feature stories(11.7%) and editorials(6.3%). More specifically, there is a comparatively hight ratio of editorials(11.0%) for the ChosunIlbo, feature stories(20.9%) for the Hankyoreh, and the straight news(89.7%) for the KwangwonIlbo. In terms of the news frames stressed by the three dailies, the ChosunIlbo focuses and stresses on the national health(17.8%) and the attribution of responsibilities(10.6%). However, the Hankyoreh have a tendency to stress on the protest against the authorities(31.3%) and attribution of responsibilities(38.4%); the KwangwonIlbo, focuses on the protest against the authorities(38.4%) and the economic sequences(17.9%). Finally, in the case of the main characteristics of the dailies, the governmental public relations frame is found only on the ChosunIlbo that has a comparatively high ratio; the Hankyoreh also has a high ratio of the feature stories on the U. S. beef imports. Even thought the KwangwonIlbo has a high ratio of the economic sequence frame, the ratio of opinion pages, such as editorial and columns, the local newspaper has not spoken up for the potential economic crisis of the local Kwangwon province beef industry, mainly caused by the U. S. import beef.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.449-484
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• 2009

It has been said that Gwangjudream, nevertheless a free press, plays a role as a local press that it should be, in a situation that other local papers do not. This study aims to reveal the forces that influence the article production of Gwangjudream, and to examine the interrelations between them, through using the methods of participant observations and depth interviews. In this course, it is eventually purpose of providing more deep understandings on the present circumstances and problems of the local papers and having a chance to concern the concrete ways to enhance them. This study results in revealing the five forces that primarily influence the article production of Gwangjudream: 1) as a historical force, keeping the spirit of the first publication that look forward to playing a role as a local press that it sound be, 2) as an individual force, the habitus of its members that is critical of mainstream society and culture, 3) as an organizational force, non-hierarchical culture and the independence of the editorial rights, 4) as a habitual force, the deny of beat system, 5) as an economical force, the power of sponsors, financial poorness, and the competition for attracting subscribers. While the historical force and the individual force play a role as fundamental circumstances and the organizational force and the habitual force as practical circumstances for producing articles, they encourage to emerge the characteristics of the articles that are related to citizens' everyday life and reflect locality, and criticize and keep an eye on government and other public offices. However, the economical force provides the circumstances that weaken the characteristics of Gwangjudream. The results of this study question the perspective to overly regard it as coming from their economical weakness that the local newspaper do not play a role as a local press that it should be.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.511-555
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• 2009

Media-related regulations can be classified into two categories; regulations of individual media contents and regulations regarding the entry to and withdrawal from a certain field. In this dissertation, ownership regulations are regarded as legal and political measures so as to prevent the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion, and to secure its diversity. Every country has its own regulation model according to its particular media environment. Korea too is obliged to actively respond to its environmental changes, at the same time vitalizing the media industry and protecting consumers' rights and interests. Strong political intentions to protect the public interest is necessary when it comes to media regulation policies, especially in the circumstances that public interest is an industrial priority. As the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications is leading to a major shift in the media industry, the regulation of cross-media ownership is an issue involving potential conflicts among media-owners, non-governmental organizations and the authorities concerned, depending on their various viewpoints regarding the media industry. In this paper, an attempt was made to search necessity of redefining 'public interest', which is the logic behind the restriction of cross-media ownership, and to reconceptualize issues on the centralization and diversity of media. First, an examination of the actual conditions of newspaper companies was carried out in order to reinvestigate domestic cross-media ownership issues, which is represented by the cross-ownership issue of newspapers and broadcasting stations. Next, the dilemma of policies stimulated by the fusion of media was discussed based on cross-media ownership restrictions, and the need for efficient conflict control was suggested. Finally, proposals on the independency and public confidence of media-related policy-making authorities, the rationalization of regulation models, an itemized discussion on cross-media ownership regulation issues, the elaboration of measures for a balanced development among media were made. It could be found that a number of foreign countries were still facing challenges to prevent monopoly and oligopoly of the public opinion and the industry. A solution to settle disagreements about the dilemma of the media industry, including the cross-media ownership regulation issues, must be arranged on the grounds of 'mutual respect of public interest and industrial interest', In Korea, an ease on the ownership regulations adapting to the change in the media industry may be considered, however the softening of the cross-media ownership regulations must be approached with the utmost care. Paradoxically Relieving cross-media ownership regulations may be considered the foundation of a richer field of journalism, where there is no need for concern over the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.76-107
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• 2008

The present study has explored the effects of media use on the evaluation of the presidential candidate's morality. We hypothesized that the perception of the candidates' morality during the 2007 Korean President Election would be influenced by the amount of the different types of media use. Using a set of panel data, a total of 1,199 citizens (584 females (48.7%), 615 males (51.3%), Mage=42.77, SDage=13.34) were assessed four times from August to December in 2007. The results indicated that (a) the level of TV use for political information, the level of newspaper use for political information, and the level of Internet use for political information increased during the five months; (b) the initial level of political involvement contributed differently to the initial levels of media use; (c) the initial level of political involvement negative influenced the initial level of TV use for political information; (d) the growth of political involvement positively influenced the growth of TV use for political information; (e) the intial level of TV use for political information increased both the initial levels of the perception of candidates' morality and the change of the perception of candidates' morality; (f) the change of TV use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality; and (g) the initial level of Internet use for political information negatively affected the initial level of the perception of candidates' morality, and the change of Internet use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality.